Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul / In the late 1970 it emerges in Brazil a drug policy supported by the provisions of the 1961 UN Single Convention, which designates the ban on the consumption and trade of certain substances labelled as improper for consumption. Several conferences were convened in the course of the 20th century which contributed to the establishment of the prohibitionist paradigm about drugs as a real regime embodied in Brazil in standardisation and safety devices as the laws No. 6,368/76, law nº/02 and law 10,409 11,343/06. These devices assist the governmentality of the population with regard to the consumption of substances labeled as drugs, such as cocaine, heroin, marijuana and others. These substances are liable by the prohibitionist political model by the rise of criminality, the most diverse social problems, and the problems inherent to Public Health. Such assumptions are discursive practices manifests of a moralist, often without the support of competent scientific research. In this way, this study aims for making a prohibition genealogy, analyzing the incorporation of their precepts for the practices governmentality in Brazil during the decades of 1970 and 1990. / No final da década de 1970 emerge no Brasil um modelo de política sobre drogas, amparadas pelos preceitos da Convenção Única da ONU de 1961, que designa a proibição do consumo e comércio de determinadas substâncias rotuladas como imprópria para consumo. Foram diversas as conferências convocadas no decorrer do século XX que colaboraram para o estabelecimento do paradigma proibicionista sobre drogas como regime de verdade, corporificado no Brasil em dispositivos de normalização e segurança como as leis nº 6.368/76, lei nº 10.409/02 e lei 11.343/06. Esses dispositivos auxiliam a governamentalidade da população no que se refere ao consumo de substâncias rotuladas como drogas, como exemplo a cocaína, heroína, maconha entre outras. Essas substâncias são responsabilizadas pelo modelo político proibicionista pela ascensão da criminalidade, problemas sociais dos mais diversos, e a problemas inerentes a saúde pública. Tais pressupostos são manifestos em práticas discursivas de cunho moralista, muitas vezes sem o devido amparo de pesquisas cientificas idônea. Sendo assim, este trabalho procura efetuar uma genealogia do proibicionismo, analisando a incorporação de seus preceitos nas práticas de governamentalidade no Brasil no decorrer das décadas de 1970 e 1990.

A presente tese é uma hermenêutica das ideias educacionais de Platão e de Aristóteles; uma leitura do vir a ser das Universidades no contexto medieval — e um debate com Kant e com Nietzsche sobre suas concepções a cerca do Esclarecimento (Aufklärung). Reunidos esses elementos de leitura sobre a mesa, a tese esforça-se em empreender uma compreensão de nosso tempo, perseguindo a construção de uma crítica da educação e da ética a partir de uma visão teleológica. Para além do esforço interpretativo que mira a concepção educacional tradicional, cada capítulo é finalizado com uma seção intitulada Disputatio Praesens, em que se procura debater o tema abordado na Idade contemporânea. Toda a discussão sobre as relações entre a educação crítica e a posição dogmática desemboca em um exame da missão da Universidade atual e da prática dos Comitês de Ética em Pesquisa. Trata-se, portanto, de provocar um debate atual sobre temas que foram colocados no centro da atenção da tradição europeia, a fim de se estabelecer novamente um exame de problemas fundamentais, como a ética e a educação, a partir de uma posição filosófica crítica. / This thesis is a hermeneutic of the educational ideas of Plato and Aristotle, a reading of what became the universities in the medieval context - and a debate with Kant and Nietzsche about their understanding of Enlightment (Aufklärung). Putting these elements together, the thesis makes an effort to understand our times, pursuing the construction of a critique of education and ethics from a theleological perspective. Beyong an interpretative effort looking at the traditional educational conception, each chapter ends with a section entitled Disputatio Praesens, in which we seek to address the subject in the contemporary age. The whole discussion about the relations between critical educaction and the dogmatic position falls into an examination of the mission of the current University and of Research Ethics Committees. Thus, we provoke a debate around issues which were the center of attention in european tradition, with the goal of establishing again an examination of fundamental problems, like ethics and education, from a critical philosophical position.

Este é um trabalho historiográfico. Realiza uma genealogia do ensino de urbanismo na Faculdade de Arquitetura da UFRGS (FA-UFRGS). Busca, com isso, compreendê-lo e identificar seus sentidos subjacentes. Para tanto, recupera a trajetória do ensino da arquitetura e do urbanismo nas instituições que a deram origem – a Escola de Engenharia e o Instituto de Belas Artes – e percorre suas três primeiras décadas de existência. O recorte temporal se encerra nos anos 1970, momento em que ocorrem fatos que se revelariam capitais para o programa de ensino até hoje oferecido pela instituição: a extinção do curso de urbanismo, existente desde os anos 1940, a criação do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Planejamento Urbano e Regional (PROPUR) e a “migração” dos conteúdos do curso desaparecido ao PROPUR e à graduação em arquitetura. A tese sustenta que, na FA-UFRGS – desde o início, e até hoje – o ensino do urbanismo é tributário de saberes e práticas análogos aos do ensino da arquitetura, voltados essencialmente para o projeto de edificações. Sendo assim, a instrução em urbanismo buscou desenvolver a aptidão para elaborar projetos, entendidos como momento de síntese dos conhecimentos-diretores da produção de artefatos, em ponto grande ou pequeno (Alberti). Este seria o eixo central, o tronco ou a espinha dorsal do ensino de urbanismo naquela instituição, abordado finalmente como uma extensão (marginal) da arquitetura. O trabalho dialoga teórico e metodologicamente com a pesquisa historiográfica. De um lado, com a história dos conceitos, que articula seus sentidos a um tempo. Mas também com aquela que trata da constituição do urbanismo como domínio de saberes e práticas. Todavia, o faz a partir de corpo documental pouco usual, relativo ao ensino. / This is a historiographical study on the genealogy of urban planning teaching at the School of Architecture of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil (FA-UFRGS), aiming at understanding and identifying its underlying directions. It retraces the first three decades of the history of architecture and urban planning from its origins - the School of Engineering and the Institute of Fine Arts. The last period studied is the 1970s, when landmarks of the current trajectory were established: the extinction of urban planning course that existed since the 1940s, the creation of the Graduate Program in Urban and Regional Planning (PROPUR) and the "migration" of the contents of the extinct course to PROPUR and to the undergraduate course in architecture. The thesis argues that at FA-UFRGS, since the beginning and until today, urban planning teaching is secondary to knowledge and practices applied in the teaching of architecture, essentially focused on building design. Therefore, urban planning education has sought to develop skills to develop projects, understood as the synthesis between guiding knowledge and the production of artifacts, according to Alberti. This is be the central axis, the trunk or the backbone of urban planning teaching, which has been essentially approached as an (marginal) extension of architecture. This thesis establishes a theoretical and methodological dialogue with historiographical research. On one hand, the history of concepts that links their meanings to a determined period, and on the other hand, it also discusses urban planning as a domain of knowledge and practices. However, this discussion is made from an unusual perspective – that of teaching.

La raison d’État, concept clé de la modernité politique et de la pensée étatique du XVIIe siècle, est approchée à rebours dans cette étude, afin de mieux en saisir les origines, et de comprendre les conditions qui en permettent l’émergence. Par l’adoption d’une méthode généalogique, ce travail vise aussi à concilier l’école historique française des Annales et la tradition anglo-américaine de l’histoire des idées, et à traiter les théories politiques comme un objet historique à part entière. Chaque texte et chaque auteur est donc intégré dans un enchaînement d’influences et de relations sans dénier à chacun son individualité intellectuelle. Parmi les notions principales qui structurent toutes les définitions de la raison d’État, la nécessité, l’utilité publique, l’exception à la loi connaissent des évolutions profondes dès le XIIe siècle, sous l’effet de la redécouverte des Anciens par Jean de Salisbury et plus encore Thomas d’Aquin, du travail des juristes, tant en droit canonique que romain, ainsi que dans la pratique fiscale des XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Les progrès de l’idéologie royale, l’affirmation d’une nécessité spécifique à l’action politique chez Guillaume d’Ockham, et l’essor du concept d’État souverain sous l’influence particulière de Marsile de Padoue, participent aussi de cette élaboration à l’œuvre, notamment dans l’Italie des cités-États. Le parcours s’achève par l’exposition de trois différentes définitions de la raison d’État qui, d’abord chez Machiavel et Guichardin, puis chez Botero, puis enfin chez les juristes dont Ammirato et Canonhiero, ouvrent la voie au triomphe de l’étatisme et au renouvellement des questionnements politiques, à l’aube des Lumières. / This survey attempts to draw a new understanding of reason of State, as a key concept in modern politics and in 17th century State-centered thought. It is therefore studied backwards, in order to better describe its origins, and to understand what conditions enabled its formulation. The genealogic method is chosen as a way to conciliate the French school of the Annales and the anglo-american tradition of history of ideas, and to handle political ideas as historical artefacts. Every text and author is therefore apprehended as a part of a chain of influences and relationships, while intellectual singularities are preserved. Among the main concepts that participate in defining reason of State, necessity, public utility and legal exception evolve deeply from the 12th century, as a result of the rediscovery of ancient authors by John of Salisbury and still more by Thomas Aquinas, of recent developments in canon and roman law, and of new fiscal policies during the 13th and 14th centuries. The improvements of royal ideology, the new necessity specifically applied to political action in William of Ockham’s thought, and the rise of the concept of a sovereign State under the primary influence of Marsilius of Padua, also participate in this preparation, now centered on Italian city-states. The account ends with a view on three different definitions of reason of State, that correspond first to Machiavelli and Guicciardini, then to Botero, and finally to the legal thought of Ammirato and Canonhiero. This outcome paves the way to the triumph of Statism, and to the new developments of political theory during the Enlightenment.

Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2016-01-13T16:49:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Pedro Lucas Dulci Pereira - 2015.pdf: 1874336 bytes, checksum: 4468d29925f5bc0be8c2a2b936bc1105 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-01-14T11:20:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Pedro Lucas Dulci Pereira - 2015.pdf: 1874336 bytes, checksum: 4468d29925f5bc0be8c2a2b936bc1105 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-14T11:20:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Pedro Lucas Dulci Pereira - 2015.pdf: 1874336 bytes, checksum: 4468d29925f5bc0be8c2a2b936bc1105 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-20 / The present dissertation aims to explore only one of the input ports of the philosophy of Giorgio Agamben: the theological genealogy signature "power" in its unitary form. Despite the multifaceted work of Agamben, there is a kind of spine that runs through all the philosopher's reasoning in the last 25 years. Agamben usually puts his reader that place he calls the zone of indifference, or even of inoperativity. The origin of the idea of a zone of indifference or inoperativity that Agamben uses as ubiquitous assumption in his work, is precisely the Judeo-Christian messianic theology - so it is a theological genealogy. This philosophy of indifference or political messianism present in the work of Agamben always shown from three basic movements operated by the author. First, he criticizes between two categories historically placed in opposition in Western thought. Zoe and bios, inside and out, law and anomy, exception and rule, etc. After highlighting this polarity, it passes to the second movement that comes to bring out an indifference zone between these two poles. The figure of the homo sacer, the state of emergency, the concentration camp, etc., are also examples of people, places and situations where these bilateral oppositions become indifferent and enter a inoperativity zone. All this he shows that, finally, in the third movement of his argument, be able to present what is perhaps a unique proposition: the messianic moment of destituinte suspension. The Franciscan way of life, the use without possession, divine violence, or profanity are different ways of bringing an action that is outside the reading key metaphysical power / act. Each of these fundamental movements will be explored in the three parts of this dissertation focusing mainly on the signature “power” in his philosophy. / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo explorar apenas uma das portas de entrada da filosofia de Giorgio Agamben: a genealogia teológica da assinatura “poder” em sua forma unitária. A revelia da multifacetada obra de Agamben, existe uma espécie de coluna vertebral que perpassa todo o raciocínio do filósofo nos últimos 25 anos. Agamben habitualmente coloca o seu leitor naquele lugar que ele chama de zona de indiferença, ou mesmo, de inoperosidade. A origem da ideia de uma zona de indiferença ou de inoperosidade, que Agamben usa como pressuposto ubíquo em sua obra, é justamente a teologia messiânica judaico-cristã – por isso se trata de uma genealogia teológica. Essa filosofia da indiferença ou messianismo político presente na obra de Agamben sempre se mostra a partir de três movimentos básicos operados pelo autor. Em primeiro lugar, ele faz uma crítica entre duas categorias historicamente colocadas em oposição no pensamento ocidental. Zoē e bíos, dentro e fora, lei e anomia, exceção e regra, etc. Após destacar esta polaridade, ele passa ao segundo movimento que se trata de fazer emergir uma zona de indiferença entre estes dois pólos. A figura do homo sacer, o estado de exceção, o campo de concentração, etc., são também exemplos de pessoas, lugares e situações em que essas oposições bilaterais se tornam indiferentes e entram em uma zona de inoperosidade. Tudo isso ele mostra para que, por fim, no terceiro movimento de sua argumentação, poder apresentar aquela que talvez seja sua única proposta: o momento messiânico de suspensão destituinte. A forma de vida franciscana, o uso sem posse, a violência divina, ou a profanação são diferentes modos de apresentar uma ação que esteja fora da chave de leitura metafísica potência/ato. Cada um desses movimentos fundamentais será explorado nas três partes da presente dissertação tendo como foco principal a assinatura “poder” em sua filosofia.

Essa tese tem como ponto de partida e referência a tessitura de uma rede de relações genealógicas e matrimoniais entre os Manoki (e os Mky), falantes de uma língua isolada distribuída em duas variantes dialetais (Irantxe e Mky). Esses coletivos reconhecem um passado comum e habitam atualmente duas Terras Indígenas distintas situadas no vale do rio Juruena, formador do Tapajós, na região noroeste do estado de Mato Grosso. A população manoki é atualmente estimada em 373 pessoas distribuídas em sete aldeias na Terra Indígena Irantxe, localizada em uma área predominantemente de cerrado, na margem esquerda do rio Cravari. Os 129 indivíduos mky vivem em uma única aldeia na Terra Indígena Menkü, região de transição de mata e cerrado circunscrita pelos rios Papagaio e do Sangue. O parentesco é aqui considerado um idioma privilegiado para compreender quem são essas populações, como pensam sua história e as maneiras como modulam suas relações com as diferentes figuras da alteridade, que vão desde as relações internas a este conjunto linguístico, passando pelas relações com os brancos e outros povos ameríndios vizinhos, até chegar ao vasto número de seres dotados de agência, que chamam de espíritos, bichos e assombrações. / This thesis has as a starting point and reference the fabric of a kinship and marriage network among the Manoki (and the Mky), speakers of an isolated language distributed in two dialects (Irantxe and Mky). These Amerindian peoples acknowledges a common past and inhabit nowadays two distinct Indigenous Lands located in the valley of the Juruena river, a tributary of the Tapajós, in the northwestern region of the Brazilian state of Mato Grosso. Nowadays the Manoki population is estimated over 373 people distributed in seven different villages in the Indigenous Land Irantxe, situated in a predominantly savannah area on the left bank of the Cravari river. The 129 mky individuals live in a single village in the Indigenous Land Menkü, located in an area of transition between forest and savannah circumscribed by the rivers Papagaio and Sangue. Kinship relations are here considered as a privileged idiom to understand who these peoples are, how they think their own history and the ways they modulate their relations with different figures of alterity, ranging from internal relations between the speakers of these dialects, passing through the relations with whites and other Amerindian neighboring peoples and reaching a vast number of beings endowed with agency capabilities, which they call spirits, beasts and spectrums.

Le concept d’anthropologie prospective élaboré dans les années 1950 par Gaston Berger, fondateur de la prospective en France, n’a pas eu la postérité qu’il mérite. Il a été contourné par les prospectivistes, qui ont conduit la prospective dans les parages du marketing, et oublié par les philosophes, qui font trop rarement de l’avenir un véritable sujet de réflexion. Or au début du XXIe siècle, après la prise de conscience de l’entrée de l’humanité dans l’ère de l’anthropocène, ce concept représente peut-être le meilleur fil conducteur pour l’élaboration de la toute nouvelle responsabilité prospective qui pourrait faire contrepoids aux stratégies suicidaires des principaux acteurs de la civilisation occidentale – stratégies exclusivement guidées par les objectifs de puissance technologique ou militaire, de croissance économique ou de recherche de profit à court terme – stratégies qui sacrifient ostensiblement l’avenir de l’humanité au bénéfice du présent ou du court terme. La présente thèse cherche à dessiner l’infrastructure conceptuelle de cette responsabilité prospective qui reste à imaginer et à structurer. La Table des Situations Stratégiques esquissée ici représente un premier pas dans cette direction. Elle ambitionne d’aboutir à une grille d’analyse et d’évaluation des stratégies déployées par les principaux acteurs de la civilisation occidentale sur la surface du globe. Elle vise à consolider l’idée d’un « permis d’engager l’avenir de l’humanité », c’est-à-dire l’idée d’un contrôle démocratique de la pertinence des stratégies des entreprises transnationales ou des gouvernements, sur tous les sujets qui concernent l’avenir à long terme de l’humanité. / The anthropological concept of perspective futures developed in the 1950’s by Gaston Berger (the founder of future studies in France) was not accorded the posterity it deserves. It was overlooked by prospectivists that led future studies into marketing gimmicks and forgotten by philosophers that rarely engage in true reflection on the subject. Or during the beginning of the 21st century, after becoming aware of the human’s entry into Anthropocene era this concept represent possibly the best guide in preparing all the new prospective responsibility that could counter dangerous strategies of major actors of western civilization-strategies that are exclusively guided by military force or technological advancement, economic growth or the pursuit of short term profit-strategies that sacrifices ostensible the future of humanity or the benefit of the present or of the short term. The present thesis attempts to design conceptual framework of this prospective responsibility that rest on imagination. The foundation of the strategic situation initially sketched out here represents the first step in that direction. It attempts to develop analysis and evaluation of strategies employed by the principle actors of western civilization in the world. It attempts to consolidate ideas on one hand, that enable one to engaged in the future of mankind, that is the idea of a democratic control of series of strategies of transnational firms or of governments, particularly, the subjects that concern the future of humanity.

Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Estudios Latinoamericanos / Programa Capital Humano Avanzado Beca de Doctorado Nacional 2012

The aim of this study is to examine women’s night work and conceptions surrounding it, with a special focus on nursing assistants. This is done in part trough a genealocial method and in part discourse analysis of historical as well as contemporary documents. The study is based on a Foucauldian approach in which mainly discourse, power/knowledge, discipline, and problematization are used. The analysis shows that there are a number of different discourses present in both the historical and the contemporary documents, mainly risk discourse and health discourse. The analysis also shows that women in general through these discourses are considered more at risk of certain illnesses and that they appear as vulnerable subjects. At the same time the analysis indicates that night working nursing assistants are marginalized and somewhat unseen in both their work place and in general as far as research is concerned.

The Balance of Power is one of the foundational concepts for the academic discipline of International Relations. Most treat it as a theoretical or analytical concept – a tool that scholars use to investigate the workings of world politics. However, there is a gap in the literature on the balance of power; it is also a concept used by political practitioners and diplomats in concrete debates and disputes throughout centuries. No one has systematically investigated the concept as a ‘category of practice’, and I seek to redress this omission. I ask, how, why, and with what effects has the balance of power concept been deployed across different contexts? This is important, because the discipline needs to investigate the histories of its dominant concepts – the balance of power deserves attention as an object of analysis in its own right. I combine a genealogical reading (by what accidents of history did we end up here?) with conceptual history (how was the balance used then as a rhetorical resource in making arguments?). The result is a history of practical international thought. I trace the trajectory of the balance of power concept empirically and concretely – from its emergence in England based on a domestic republican tradition, to its elaboration at the British-founded University of Göttingen in Hanover, on to Prussia and Germany, before finally ending up in the USA with the emergence of IR as a discipline. Throughout this trajectory, the concept of the balance of power has been centrally linked to what historical actors took to be European polities and their relations. In this trajectory, ‘shifts’ in the balance of power, is governed more by how the concept itself is deployed, than any material or territorial assessment of power alone, or by any deliberate refinement of the concept. It has affected and constituted international politics and foreign policies across time, as well as our own discipline of IR.