In the contemporary political world order that continues to be structured by the principle of national sovereignty, states remain the most important instrument for the delivery of rights. If we want to understand how human rights can be realized in practice, we therefore have to study the conditions and processes of their institutionalization on the state level. While the United Kingdom was relatively slow, compared to other western European democracies, in the domestic institutionalization of international human rights norms and standards, governments in Britain have between 1998 and 2008 created a complex human rights regime that still awaits a comprehensive analysis and assessment. This thesis fills that gap. Focusing on the Human Rights Act as the legal centerpiece, the Joint Committee on Human Rights as the parliamentary scrutiny body, and the Equality and Human Rights Commission for Great Britain as the largest human rights commission, this thesis examines the extent to which the British Human Rights Regime has contributed to the institutionalization of human rights in the UK. To that end, it develops and deploys the sociological ideal type of the human rights state as a qualitative analytical framework and as an external benchmark that is able to integrate the legal, political, and wider societal dimensions of effective human rights institutionalization. Based on the thematic analysis of case law, official documents and elite interviews with public officials, this thesis argues that the Human Rights Act, the Joint Committee on Human Rights and the Equality and Human Rights Commission have contributed to a significant institutional change in the domestic recognition and protection of human rights. They have introduced new rights norms and safeguards into British law, established new mechanisms for judicial and political rights review, and brought about important legislative and policy changes. Yet, their efficacy suffers from structural limitations that have been imposed so as not to fundamentally disturb the concentration of political power in the executive which is preserved by the constitutional doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. In the Westminster system of parliamentary government, this doctrine continues to allow the executive to dominate the legislative process without strong constitutional human rights safeguards that would be domestically enforceable against primary legislation. While the preservation of parliamentary sovereignty was a key political requirement that enabled progress to the present state of domestic human rights institutionalization, it also prevents the sustainable entrenchment of human rights as fundamental and universally binding norms for the legitimate exercise of all juridical, legislative and executive state power, thereby leaving the British Human Rights Regime at permanent risk of abolishment or degradation.

This study focuses on health and well-being amongst the Roma community in the "Old Camp" settlement in the Neapolitan Municipality of Scampia. The research is based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork carried out in the camp, amongst Romani residents and non-Romani people who played a role in the life and health of the camp's inhabitants. The study is informed by the World Health Organization's (1946) holistic definition of health, and by work on the social dimensions of health which has grown following Marmot and Wilkinson's (1998) seminal volume. These approaches see health not just in clinical terms, but rather understand well-being as including physical, psychological and social dimensions which are inextricably linked. The study argues that Roma communities should not be perceived as unique "monolithic" populations, but as being composed of individuals, with personal thoughts, feelings and perceptions, different ways of leading their lives and different life experiences including recent migration histories; struggles to exercise their right as asylum-seekers; and conflicts resulting from being born in a territory that does not easily recognise their right to citizenship. During fieldwork, Roma explained their personal perceptions of wellness and illness and of the impact of state and local policies on their well-being. Key-findings were that Roma's sense of well-being is affected by racism, discrimination, and intercommunal mistrust which has adverse effects on relationships between Roma communities and government agencies. A further significant finding was that there are generational tensions within the Roma community, opening the possibility of changes in communal customs and structures. By presenting the perceptions of the Romani themselves regarding their well-being, and their congruence with a holistic approach to health and well-being rather than a narrowly clinical one, the study may inform effective health policies at a local, national and international level.

The thesis is divided into ten chapters and 3 parts. Following an introductory chapter on the literature on the main issues of the period, Part I opens with a chapter on the social and economic transformation of the city of Moscow during war communism, and its second chapter analyses the role of the trade unions and the pattern of labour relations in this period. Part II is concerned with the internal transformation of the party and the development of its relationship with society; and discusses recruitment, organisation, the nature of militarisation during the civil war, the party's ideological work, and its relationship to mass bodies. It ends with a study of the Moscow soviet and the development of bureaucracy. In Part III the debates at the end of war communism are considered in the light of the foregoing economic and political developments. The conclusion assesses the nature of war communism in Moscow.

The European Union (EU) has set itself ambitious objectives in order to transform its neighbourhood. It aims to induce domestic reforms in order to promote democracy, good governance and prosperity. Theoretical-oriented empirical analyses on the impact of the EU’s attempts to trigger institutional, regulatory and normative changes in domestic policies remain scarce. It is necessary to increase our understanding of the EU’s potential, limitations, and the conditions under which it may have an impact. This thesis contributes to closing this empirical and theoretical gap by examining the impact of the EU on Georgia, a country included in the Eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). This evaluation is derived from original empirical research of four different modes of EU governance in the context of the ENP: Governance by conditionality (access to the single market regarding economic issues); intergovernmental governance (cooperation in foreign and security policies); external governance (energy security); and cooperative governance (Security Sector Reform). This thesis suggests that we can explain the responses to EU policies in neighbouring countries if we use a synthetic ideational/rationalist analytical framework which takes into account additional variables in the EU–neighbour relations in the domestic and regional context. The findings indicate that the impact of the EU is slowly increasing, even in areas dominated by geopolitics such as energy security. Although the impact has been uneven at policy level, the EU has become an important external influence in Georgia. The thesis argues that, although important, EU incentives and geopolitical pressures are less decisive than the existing literature would predict. In contrast, the role of ideas in bilateral relations has had a crucial role across the case studies, showing in some instances the limitations of the alluring power of the EU as a ‘normative power’. Thus, EU impact is based on the existence of a coherent institutional framework of relations; embedded in social, political and economic links that are locked into favourable path-dependence processes and where ideational convergence is present.

The term &#039 / Costitutional Democracy&#039 / is characterized by an underlying conceptual tension between the rule of law and populSar sovereignty. This is reflected in the controversy surrounding the judicial review of legislation in contemporary political systems. In this thesis, the development of the idea of &#039 / governmernt under law&#039 / in political thought, contemporary debates on the doctrine of judicial review and normative relation between law and politics is analyzed. It is concluded that both &#039 / constitutionality&#039 / and &#039 / popular sovereignty&#039 / are essentil to modern democracy. Yet, it might be problematic to disassociate constitutional law from ordinary politics, since the latter is the principal means through which a polity shapes its future.

Univ., Diss--Hamburg, 2005.

The European Union as a sui generis political system has become an attractive subject of inquiry especially within the last decade. By expanding into ever new areas of integration and by widening its competences, the Union has become a complex structure. As a result, the Union has started to be perceived as an entity remote from its citizens. Therefore the debate on the future of Europe has intensified and the legitimacy of the Union has started to be questioned. With this questioning process, the emphasis has begun to be put on creating new channels to reach the Union&amp / #8217 / s citizens. Within this context, the literature has focused on the importance of a European civil society. The desire to establish a deeper European political integration by constructing a European public space has made the European civil society a popular concept. On the other hand, the community institutions have also started to introduce policies to increase the role of civil society in order to close the gap between the Union and its citizens. In this respect, it can be argued that this process has been intensified after the publication of White Paper on European Governance. In the White Paper, the Commission has underlined the significance of a European civil society to strengthen the ties between the citizens and the EU. Then, a further step was taken by the Convention on the Future of the European Union. With the Convention, for the first time citizens and their representatives participated in the decision-making concerning the future shape of the Union. This is an important departure from the past and an essential step in the direction of a public debate on the prospective characteristics of European governance and democracy. This debate has raised interesting questions about the relationship between democracy, subsidiarity, efficiency and governance. Within this context, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze whether the development of an organized European civil society, which gains prominence by forms of governance developed by the EU, is perceived as a part of the solution to get the Union closer to its citizens. In this respect, the question of to what extent the European civil society is perceived as an arena, where EU citizens can exercise their rights beyond the nation-state will be discussed. In addition, different attitudes of the community institutions concerning European civil society will be also examined.

This thesis examines the influence of Russian political emigrés on the British labour movement, 1884-1920, with particular reference to the career of Theodore Rothstein. It takes as its starting point Sergius Stepniak's comments on the impact of a small group of socialists on a Liberal- Radical demonstration in Hyde Park in 1884, and closes with the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920 and the refusal to allow Th. Rothstein re-entry into Britain in August 1920. It takes issue with those historians who have argued that the Russian political emigré influence was essentially harmful, serving only to undermine natural developments already in evidence on the British Left and imposing new perspectives, which later made the CPGB subservient to the needs of Soviet foreign policy. This thesis, on the contrary, argues that the Russian political emigré community in Britain, predominantly Jewish, had become an integral part of the Left-wing of the British labour movement by the time of the formation of the CPGB, and as such formed part of the British socialist tradition that favoured Marxism. It looks specifically at the history of the Social-Democratic Federation, (SDF) which between 1884 and 1920 adopted the titles Social-Democratic Party and British Socialist Party before it merged itself with the CPGB in 1920. The SDF appealed particularly to the Russian political emigrés, as opposed to other groupings, because it saw itself as a Social-Democratic body and part of an international movement, to which the Russian Social- Democratic Labour Party was affiliated. The emigrés, therefore, felt that their activity within the British socialist movement was not something imposed upon a reluctant nativist body; but an integral part of that movement's development.

The transition to flowering is an important decision for plants since seed-setting and the survival of the progeny depend on the environmental conditions prevalent during this transition. Therefore, to ensure maximum reproductive success, plants have evolved several regulatory mechanisms to enable them flower at the most appropriate time. Environmental parameters such as light, temperature and nutrient availability as well as endogenous factors such as age and hormonal status of the plant profoundly affect floral transition (Boss et al., 2004; Srikanth and Schmid, 2011). Studies in Arabidopsis and other model plant species have identified several distinct genetic pathways that integrate the information from the endogenous and environmental cues to regulate flowering (Boss et al., 2004; Srikanth and Schmid, 2011). Many components and gene regulatory networks identified in Arabidopsis are conserved in other commercially important species including rice, maize, sorghum, potato and tomato. Therefore, it is important to understand the basic mechanisms that modulate the flowering response in model plants such as Arabidopsis thaliana, the knowledge from which can be used to develop better adapted and high-yielding varieties of crop plants in the wake of challenges like global warming and increasing food demand. In the present study, we have studied the function of VLB1 and VLB2, genes that code for plant-specific Zn-finger transcription factors. Previous studies from our laboratory (Pratibha Choudhary, Ph.D thesis, 2011) and by other research groups have reported that VLBs redundantly promote flowering in A. thaliana (Yasui et al., 2012; Celesnik et al., 2013). However, the underlying mechanism of this regulation is not well understood. Our data suggests that VLBs redundantly promote the transition to flowering specifically in the photoperiod pathway, the major floral induction pathway in A. thaliana. CO, which is the 93 key regulatory gene in this pathway, is regulated by various factors at the transcriptional as well as post-transcriptional level (Suarez-Lopez et al., 2001; Yanovsky and Kay, 2002; Srikanth and Schmid, 2011). Using genetics, we show that VLBs and CO function together to promote flowering in the photoperiod pathway. Further, our BiFC results reveal that VLBs and CO interact physically. Nevertheless, the physical interaction between VLBs and CO needs to be further validated by in vitro and in vivo by co-immunoprecipitation experiments. We hypothesize that the interaction between VLBs and CO is important to regulate FT expression and hence, flowering. However, whether VLBs interact with CO and promote the CO-stability, or facilitates its recruitment to the FT promoter region, still needs to be determined. Apart from its role in flowering, VLBs have been recently shown to regulate biotic and abiotic responses in Arabidopsis (Nakai et al., 2013a; Nakai et al., 2013b). Also, even though it has been demonstrated that VLBs code for transcription factors, no direct targets of VLBs have been reported till date. We performed a whole genome trancriptome-profiling and found that several important classes of genes including WRKY, RLPs, NBS-LRR and JAZs were affected suggesting that, in addition to their role in floral transition, VLBs have important functions in other plant processes as well. In fact, vlb1vlb2 mutant showed an early senescence phenotype and many senescence-associated genes (SAGs) were up-regulated in our microarray experiments, which was further validated by qRT-PCR analysis. By comparing the differentially-regulated genes and PatMatch analysis, we have identified 82 putative direct targets of VLBs in the Arabidopsis genome which need to be validated by chromatin immunoprecipitation (ChIP) assay and functional studies. 94 Results of global transcriptome analysis revealed that the expression of several JA-signaling and response genes was significantly down-regulated. JA is an important phytohormone involved in plant defense and other developmental processes such as stamen development, root growth and senescence (Wasternack, 2007). Results from the JA-induced expression analysis and root inhibition assay confirmed that JA-signaling and response are indeed compromised in the vlb1vlb2 double mutant. Moreover, in vitro DNA-binding assay showed that MYC2, the key transcriptional regulator of JA-responsive gene expression, is a direct transcriptional target of VLB2. A recent study reported that loss-of-function of VLB genes impairs plant defense while their overexpression confers biotic stress tolerance in Arabidopsis (Nakai et al., 2013a; Nakai et al., 2013b). Compromised JA signaling in the vlb1vlb2 double mutant might partly explain this reduced tolerance to pathogens. However, whether VLBs are associated with the MYC2 promoter in planta needs to be tested by performing ChIP and other in vivo assays. In conclusion, our study shows that VLBs have important regulatory roles in diverse processes including control of flowering time, senescence and JA signaling in Arabidopsis. The validation and functional characterization of the direct targets of VLBs will shed more light on the role of VLBs. Since VLBs are conserved in vascular plants, it will be interesting to see if the function of VLBs is also conserved across species and what might be its ancestral function in evolution.

Hope accompanied El Salvador’s peace agreements, ending 12 years of civil war. New peace and democratic renewal were expected in the tiny Central American state. Instead, extreme violence has persisted as a lived experience for individuals and a part of its state operations. Successive governments proved unable to consolidate control over the post-war crime wave. ‘Tough on crime’ public policy agendas, which included hard-handed violence-repression tactics, had little success in mitigating insecurity. In 2009, a new ex-guerrilla party, the National Liberation Front ‘Farabundo Marti’ (FMLN), was elected on a hope and change platform. The party was committed to a new approach in security governance. This presented an opportunity to study the interactions of implicated actors as they negotiated the governance of security. It raises the question: To what extent did security governance change under the FMLN government during their first administration (2009-2014)? To address this question requires an understanding of situated security concepts and an examination of the spaces created for actor interactions to formulate the policy guiding security governance. Broadly, security is often considered to be a response to the issues threatening state, society, or the individual. In the Latin American context, this expansion largely took place within the concept of citizen security – a term which recognised both rights and responsibilities within the state. However, the term has also been responsible for problematising institutional weaknesses or failure where an apparent inability to control violence is observed, justifying the inclusion of a range of non-state security actors. Theories of hybridity or state transformation instead posit that the gaze should be directed on those spaces where security problems, once identified, are managed in practice (Hameiri & Jones, 2015). For this study, three ‘levels’ of security governance are addressed: the national government, the Central American regional diplomatic structure, and strategic municipal jurisdictions. Second, by providing this multi-levelled analysis, the study includes the regional level, which is often ignored in existing Central American security studies. This is crucial to an understanding of the multiple and often competing agendas organising and supporting security interventions within El Salvador in a regional context of transnational threats. Third, this investigation shows the operational changes required of government institutions when other actors are introduced as authoritative participants in the process. Despite multi-actor, multi-level security governance strategies working to mobilise new actors, security concepts, and operational frameworks to reduce and manage security issues, many practical governance efforts enjoy only limited term results. This thesis concludes that broad changes in security governance structures are likely to be continually mitigated by traditional forces, limiting the potential for true transformation of security policy approaches.