The thesis is dealing with the circumstances in which the Treaty on Mutual Relations between the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, known as the Prague Treaty, was negotiated and concluded in the early 1970s. The main focus of the thesis is the chapter on the Way to the Prague Treaty, which contains an analysis of negotiations on the text of the Prague Treaty, where the biggest obstacle was disagreement over the invalidity of Munich Agreement, as well as questions about importance of some treaty provisions for West Berlin, signing the treaty in Prague in December 1973 and finally even the process of ratification of the treaty in both states. The analysis of the ratification process consisting mainly in the negotiation of a treaty in the legislative bodies of both states is based mainly on primary sources, parliamentary papers and stenoprotocols. Complicated was discussion in the Federal Republic, when deputies of opposition (CDU/CSU) in Bundestag spoke against the treaty and Bundesrat voted against the treaty even two times. The treaty was approved unanimously in Federal Assembly of Czechoslovakia, nevertheless speeches of each deputies was used mainly for proclamation of own interpretation of some provisions of the treaty. It can be stated that the Prague Treaty...

Energy security is an important and current issue that resonates especially in resource-poor countries. In these countries, it is crucial to ensure a stable energy supply in order to maintain economic stability and ensure future economic growth. Germany is a state with low energy reserves (apart from coal reserves), and therefore this work focuses on German energy security in gas sector. The aim of this master thesis is to evaluate the current level of energy security in Germany in natural gas sector and to point out future potential threats arising from the realization of Nord Stream gas pipeline. In order to meet this goal, a new analytical framework is created, which evaluates gas security in terms of both short-term and long-term energy security indicators. This framework is based on several studies, primarily on the Model of Short-term Energy Security published by International Energy Agency. The framework is further extended by other studies dealing with the long-term dimension of energy security. Second part of the thesis deals with the role of natural gas in German energy transition (so- called Energiewende). Text examines the importance of natural gas in the situation of gradual disconnection of nuclear and coal capacities and in the ongoing decarbonization of the German economy. It was found that...

After the Christian democratic CDU party was forced into the opposition after the parliamentary elections of 1969 it created a program commission which should update the party's Berlin Program adopted few months earlier. Surprisingly it drafted a wholly new party manifesto challenging crucial dogmas of party's policies which led to stormy discussions. This thesis argues that this development was a consequence of generation change in the party which was accelerated by the loss of government as well as a result of the influence of the chairman of the program commission, Helmut Kohl. Kohl was a leading figure of the young rising generation in the party and a strong proponent of party reform. He created conditions in the commission for creation of a progressive proposal by giving influence to talented young reform oriented politicians. But the conservatives in the party were still strong enough to fight back and moderate the reform impetus of the draft. Party committee redrafted it and weakened some central progressive statements. Only the undisputable loss in the elections of 1972 and following election of Helmut Kohl to party chairman made the way free for a thru party reform. Many of the young politicians allied with Kohl during the program discussion in early 1970s became key figures in the CDU....

The thesis "Comparison of Status of Displaced German Inhabitants after the World War II in German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany" focuses on status of German inhabitants forcedly displaced from Czechoslovakia. In the first part is concerned with the process of transfer itself, its theoretical background and the development of plans of different actors. Next part covers the process of the displacement and the case of problematic numerical expression of scale of the process. The following chapters analyze the status of displaced German inhabitants on the political, economic and social level in Allied occupied Germany as well in the latter both German's republics. The aim is to compare how divided Germany faced the influx of big amount of new inhabitants. Keywords Displacement, Germany, German democratic republic, Federal republic of Germany, Central Europe, Europe after WWII, forced migration, integration

Seit 1990 sind westdeutsche Verhältnisse auch im Osten der erweiterten BRD anzutreffen: Für wenige Bereiche trifft das so allgemein zu wie für die Universitäten, die in den neuen Bundesländern strukturell denen der alten Bundesländer gleichgemacht wurden. Die Inhalte haben gewechselt, je nach Disziplin. Aber ist damit alles gesagt? Was heißt das zum Beispiel für die Philosophie, nachdem die Universitäten das westdeutsche Muster adaptiert haben, und zugleich Inhalte und Personen fast völlig ausgetauscht wurden?

This thesis examines selected political speeches with regard to word-formation and its processes, namely from the grammatical, semantic, and pragmatic points of view. The analyzed political speeches are the Otto von Bismarck's speech delivered on 20 July 1870, the Adolf Hitler's speech delivered on 1 September 1939, the Willy Brandt's speech delivered on 10 November 1989, and the Angela Merkel's speech from 14 December 2015. This is an interdisciplinary thesis which deals with politics, history, and linguistics. The thesis examines four different periods, namely Bismarck's era, Nazism, the Federal Republic of Germany between 1949 and 1990, and the contemporary Federal Republic of Germany. These periods are analyzed from the political, historical, and socio-cultural points of view. Subsequently, the selected political speeches are analyzed with respect to word- formation, its processes, and the period in which they were delivered. The individual results are then compared and certain conclusions are drawn from the comparison. The aim of this thesis is to highlight the importance of word-formation and its processes which are significant for political speeches from the 19th century onwards. This thesis shows and analyzes the motives, purposes, aims, and consequences of their usage in particular...

This thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991. After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy. Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of 'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.

La présente étude est consacrée au développement spécifique du secteur ouest-allemand de la communication d'État à l'étranger, dans le contexte des initiatives menées en France entre 1958 et 1969. L'élaboration d'une doctrine de l'information conforme à la doxa démocratique de la République fédérale d'Allemagne constitue le point de référence d'une analyse où affleurent les analogies avec la République de Weimar et les continuités dans le domaine du personnel et de l'appareil institutionnel. L'accession de la communication politique à l'étranger, domaine distinct de la diplomatie culturelle, au rang d'instrument indispensable de la politique extérieure est préalablement examinée à l'aune des efforts accomplis par le chancelier Konrad Adenauer pour conquérir une marge de manoeuvre internationale dans les premières années d'existence de la République fédérale ; l'ultimatum soviétique sur Berlin, en novembre 1958, est mis en évidence comme l'élément déclencheur de l'assentiment donné par le Parlement fédéral à la mise en oeuvre de mesures renforcées dans le domaine de l'information politique à l'étranger. La concurrence avec la RDA et l'importance de la distanciation avec la notion de propagande s'établissent comme deux critères d'analyse de l'action menée en France par la diplomatie ouest-allemande en coordination avec l'Office de presse et d'information du gouvernement fédéral. À rebours de la thèse de la « retenue », souvent utilisée pour désigner l'attitude officielle ouest-allemande à l'étranger, les procédés révèlent plutôt une action tenace, le plus souvent attentive à rester discrète, et dont les présupposés contredisent les tentatives de faire table rase du passé. / This dissertation explores the specific way in which West German governments have developed strategies in international public relations and it discusses more particularly their implementation in France between 1958 and 1969. A cornerstone of this study is the creation by the Federal Republic of Germany of an official information doctrine that was intended to reflect the democratic orthodoxy of the newly created state. Its analysis not only reveals the many continuities between the Weimar Republic and post-war West Germany, but it also points out the permanence of political staff and institutional structures. The rise of international public relations as an essential tool in the country’s foreign policy is first examined in the light of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s efforts to make the FRG regain international leeway in its early first few years. Secondly, this study demonstrates that the Soviets’ Berlin ultimatum in November 1958 led the West German Parliament to agree with the reinforcement of the country’s international public relations policy. Competition with the German Democratic Republic as well as the West German governments’ need to stay well away from propaganda are the two criteria which inform the analysis of the action carried out in France by West German diplomatic services in cooperation with the Federal Press and Information Office. Whereas West Germany’s official attitude overseas has frequently been described as “non-assertive”, this dissertation contends that it should more justly be reassessed as a form of relentless, albeit it carefully discreet, action. The way it operated went against the official claim that West Germany was doing away with its past.

This submitted dissertation thesis provides a constitutional comparative analysis of the European Union and the European federations, primarily the Federal Republic of Germany, Swiss Confederation, Republic of Austria and also basic features of the United States of America. I will attempt to determine whether EU is already a federation, or how much closer it has shifted to a federative type political arrangement. In this dissertation thesis I will try to methodically analyze, which characteristics of a federal state the European Union already meets and if we can put the EU under the category of federations, confederations or international organizations. To achieve better understanding of the context of this dissertation thesis, a comparative analysis of the European Federations is studied from historical, sociological and political science perspective. However the main emphasis here is focused on the analysis of the constitutional and legal arrangements. The first part of this thesis starts from the scrutiny of the origin and development of the theory of federalism in historical perspective, followed by determining the concept of federalism and federation in constitutional terms. Subsequently provided here are definitions of various types of federations and the reasons for their creation and...

A rebours de la croyance populaire qui veut que le temps efface les blessures, le constat s'impose de l'omniprésence de la mémoire comme matrice des orientations décidées par nos gouvernants. Soixante-dix ans après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, elle occupe l'espace public dans toutes ses composantes et pousse à l'adoption de lois de reconnaissance des victimes et de sanction des discours de négation. Parallèlement, le législateur doit répondre à ses engagements conventionnels et satisfaire aux exigences de la justice pénale internationale. Mais ici encore, les contingences politiques sont fortes, qui sclérosent la réflexion juridique et conduisent à l'élaboration de dispositions controversées. Ce phénomène, ostensible en France, l'est moins chez notre voisin allemand, pourtant tributaire d'un lourd héritage mémoriel. Cette observation peut surprendre celui qui ne tient pas compte des évolutions conjointes mais divergentes des deux Etats depuis 1945, quant à la « gestion » des crimes internationaux par nature et de leurs suites ; d'où l'utilité d'une approche transversale, historique et comparative de ces questions. / Contrary to the popular belief that the time clears injuries, the finding must be made of the omnipresence of the memory as a matrix of guidelines decided by our leaders. Seventy years after the World War II ended, it occupies public space in all its components and drives the adoption of laws recognizing victims and punishing speech of negation. Meanwhile, the legislature must meet its conventional obligations and the requirements of international criminal justice. But again, the political contingencies are strong, which block legal thinking and lead to the creation of controversial provisions. This phenomenon, striking in France, is less at our german neighbor, yet reliant on a heavy legacy memorial. This observation may surprise those who do not consider the joint but divergent evolutions of the two states since 1945, on the « treatment » of international crimes by nature and their consequences ; hence the usefulness of a transverse, historical and comparative approach to these issues.