Understanding how these networks and opportunities formed and the effect of these relationships on social movements and global politics is crucial for the future of the dam resistance movement. I hypothesize that the formation of networks and the larger role of civil society in decision-making has altered institutional decision-making, thus allowing for the development of new counter-hegemonic ideas of development and methods of organizing. Through a broad analysis of the dam resistance movement and specific dam resistance campaigns, this thesis examines how and under what circumstances transnational networks provide new opportunities for participation and greater influence over national policy and multilateral institutions. I will seek to answer the questions - how do anti-dam advocacy networks affect national and international policy and under what conditions are these networks successful?

This dissertation comprises two essays. While the topics of both essays are different both are interrelated on the base of economic development. The first essay examines ethnic wage gaps on segmented labor markets with evidence from Latin American countries. The second essay revisits the determinants of fiscal decentralization with an emphasis on the role that geography plays in determining fiscal decentralization. The first essay contributes to limited literature on ethnic wage gaps in Latin America. It examines ethnic wage gaps for workers in formal and informal labor markets. Using data from Latin American countries we estimate and examine across-ethnic wage gaps for informal and formal markets, their changes over time, factors that explain their differences, and the wage gap distribution. More specifically, we verify that different ethnic wage gaps do exist across formal and informal markets; they behave differently not only at their means but also along the wage distribution. The results indicate that higher ethnic wage gaps in informal sectors exist not only on average but also throughout the distribution. In addition, we find that wage gaps have declined significantly over the last 10 years. we explain this by examining changes in the prices of institutional factors and changes in human capital endowments. The distributional analysis shows a decrease in the unexplained component, especially in the top part of the distribution. The second essay contributes to the existing literature on the determinants of fiscal decentralization by motivating theoretically and exploiting in depth the empirical relevance that geography has as a determinant of fiscal decentralization. The relationship between decentralization and geography is based on the logic that more geographically diverse countries show greater heterogeneity among their citizens, including their preferences and needs for public goods and services provisions. Communications and physical distance are also a very important issue and play a key role on the effect of geography over time. (Lora et. al., 2003) argue geography plays a key role in economic and social development, as well as in the institutional design of the countries; yet, this effect could be enhanced (or diminished) in the presence of better physical infrastructure or communications. The theoretical model in this paper builds on the work by Arzaghi and Henderson (2002) and Panizza (1999). For the empirical estimation, we use a panel data set for approximately 91 countries for the period 1960-2005. Physical geography is measured along several dimensions, including elevation, land area and climate. We construct a geographical fragmentation index and test its effect on fiscal decentralization. In addition, we interact the geographical fragmentation index with time-variant infrastructure variables in order to test the effect that infrastructure and communications have on the relationship between geography and fiscal decentralization. For robustness, we construct Gini coefficients for in-country elevation and climate. We find a positive and strong correlation between geographical factors and fiscal decentralization. We also find that while the development of infrastructure (in transportation, communications, etc.) tends to reduce the effect of geography on decentralization, this effect is rather small and mostly statistically insignificant, meaning that the impact of geography survives over time. The strategy has additional value because geography may be used as an instrument for decentralization in future econometric estimations where decentralization is used as an explanatory variable, but may be suspected to be endogenous to the economic process being studied (economic growth, political instability, macroeconomic stability, income distribution, etc.).

This thesis examines the concept of masculinity as it concerns a group of male community leaders from impoverished neighbourhoods of Léon, Nicaragua. In collaboration with the non-governmental organization, Centro de Información y Servicios de Asesoría en Salud (CISAS) and utilizing person-centred ethnography, it explores masculinity in Nicaragua as reflected at the level of the individual. The work proposes that masculinities in Nicaragua are not as simple as some have suggested. Moreover, it relies on a Foucauldian analysis of disciplinary power to explicate the foundations of said conceptions as well as to develop new understandings of the idea of machismo.<p> Following analysis of an interview series and a thorough review of relevant literature, this thesis places Nicaraguan conceptions of masculinity as being discrete according to individuals. Moreover, the work deconstructs the notion of machismo as being nothing more than an individuated subject, most likely imposed on Nicaragua and, by extension, various other Latin American cultures, by forces exogenous to Latin America. Finally, this thesis discusses the tie that masculinity and health have as well as the influence that CISAS has on the personal lives of the research participants as well as their work in their communities.

Neoliberal agrarian reforms in Latin America have lead to both advances and set backs for the women’s and indigenous movements. While most neoliberal policies were the same in terms of goals, like creating institutions that encourage a capitalist markets, the results were somewhat heterogeneous in part due to the role of the women’s and indigenous movements in individual countries. The rise of the international women’s movement, which was marked by the UN’s decade on women from 1975-1985, coincided with an unfavorable economic climate in Latin America.

Over two billion people are currently living in poverty (less than $2 a day) around the world. 15 percent of this group is of indigenous backgrounds. Similar to the overall composition of the world, 10 percent of Latin America’s population is indigenous, yet one quarter is living on less than $2 a day. Approximately forty years ago the modern day microfinance movement began in Bangladesh and has since spread throughout the world. Microfinance strives to provide financial services to those who do not have access to the traditional financial sector. Making capital available helps alleviate poverty by providing the poor with credit and other financial services that can help generate income through smart investments. Bolivia and Peru currently have the most advanced microfinance sectors, which is in large part attributed to the financial reforms of the 1990s. However, regardless of the quality of the microfinance sectors in Bolivia and Peru, the indigenous people remain untouched by their services. Specifically, the Quechua and the Aymara, who live in the highlands of the Andes and around Lake Titicaca, are among the poorest people in both countries. The Quechua and the Aymara would greatly benefit from access to microfinance by utilizing their traditional cultures to make income-generating businesses.

Conventional wisdom holds that constitutions shape behavior, structures, and institutions. Looking at provisions in the constitutions of 19 Latin American countries, I show the level of judicial independence exercised by a country’s courts and judges is a function of constitutional provisions.

Unions are one of the most important institutions in labor markets, and are capable of affecting workers (wages) and employers (performance). Despite the relevance unions have had worldwide, most of the literature has concentrated on the economic effects of unions in the U.S. and other developed countries, with few studies concentrating on what unions do in developing countries. Because developing countries have contrasting differences compared to developed countries, in terms of economic development, legal settings and institutions, it is possible that conclusions reached in the broader literature might not be appropriate in the framework of developing countries. This dissertation aims to fill this gap in the literature studying the economic effects of unions on wages and performance in selected developing countries in Latin America: Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Mexico, Panama and Uruguay. The first essay focuses on the impact of unions on wages distribution in Bolivia and Chile, using the novel Recentered Influence Function decomposition. Although both countries have considerably different levels of economic development and institutions, the estimations indicate unions have similar effects increasing wages and reducing wage inequality at the top of the distribution. These results are similar to those found replicating the methodology using U.S. data. The results suggest that the common economic and political forces that govern the role of unions as collective bargaining units transcend other contextual differences in these countries. The second essay analyzes the impact of unions on economic performance of establishments in the manufacturing sector in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Mexico, Panama and Uruguay. Using an augmented Cobb Douglas production function, the essay finds that unions have a positive, but small, effect on productivity, with the exception of Argentina. Analyses on alternative measures of performance show that, for most cases, the positive productivity effects barely offset the higher union compensation; that unions show no relationship with sales growth; and that unionized establishments usually reduce investment in capital and R&D. While no single narrative can explain all observed effects across countries, the results provide a step forward to understand the role of unions on economic performance in developing countries.

Over the past two decades governments worldwide have begun to take action to correct gender disparity in representative bodies, resulting in drastic increases in women’s numeric representation. It is unclear, however, how these increases influence legislative behavior. This research contributes to our understanding of how increases in women’s numeric representation influences substantive representation of women. I collected an original dataset to examine this relationship across twenty-three subnational Argentine legislatures over eighteen years. This project represents one of the first empirical efforts to examine women’s substantive representation over a large number of legislatures over a long duration of time. A key piece of the puzzle is to understand if female exhibit distinct preferences from their male colleagues. The second chapter of the dissertation uses a new data set of ideal point estimates recovered from cosponsorship data to examine gender differences in legislative preferences. I find strong evidence to suggest women display different legislative preferences than their male colleagues. Chapter three investigates how increases in women’s numeric representation influence women’s legislative behavior. Previous research suggests that increasing women’s numeric representation should enhance the probability that women work together to pursue common legislative agendas. Yet, I demonstrate that as the percentage of women in the chamber increases, women are increasingly less likely to work together. I argue that this unexpected finding can be explained by considering how institutions shape women’s legislative incentives. In chapter four, I develop theoretical expectations about the conditions under which increases in the proportion of female legislators, in combination with institutional arrangements, will foster or stifle women’s opportunities and incentives to represent women’s interests. The chapter provides strong empirical support for the hypothesis that women behave differently conditional on institutional incentives. These findings imply that understanding institutions is key to understanding how and when female representatives will stand for women. Taken together, this dissertation makes an important contribution to our understanding of how changes in the proportion of female legislators and differences in institutional contexts shape women’s legislative behavior.

This thesis examines the concept of masculinity as it concerns a group of male community leaders from impoverished neighbourhoods of Léon, Nicaragua. In collaboration with the non-governmental organization, Centro de Información y Servicios de Asesoría en Salud (CISAS) and utilizing person-centred ethnography, it explores masculinity in Nicaragua as reflected at the level of the individual. The work proposes that masculinities in Nicaragua are not as simple as some have suggested. Moreover, it relies on a Foucauldian analysis of disciplinary power to explicate the foundations of said conceptions as well as to develop new understandings of the idea of machismo.<p> Following analysis of an interview series and a thorough review of relevant literature, this thesis places Nicaraguan conceptions of masculinity as being discrete according to individuals. Moreover, the work deconstructs the notion of machismo as being nothing more than an individuated subject, most likely imposed on Nicaragua and, by extension, various other Latin American cultures, by forces exogenous to Latin America. Finally, this thesis discusses the tie that masculinity and health have as well as the influence that CISAS has on the personal lives of the research participants as well as their work in their communities.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the macroeconomic effects of the earthquake that struck Chile in 2010 and the impact it had on the Chilean economy.  It is a narrative case study of a small, open emerging economy and the timeframe is short term. Like other studies made about macroeconomic effects of a natural disaster, it is surprising to find how fast a country can so rapidly recover from a big devastation like the Chilean earthquake 2010. The final economic impact depends on the structural conditions of the economy and the economic policy mix undertaken to handle the short-term effects. The paper shows that despite the big disaster, Chile showed great resilience to the adverse shook due to its sound finances and effective countercyclical policies.