Community participation is relevant to every sector of development, for example, education, health, housing, water and sanitation, agricultural development and conservation. The assumption is that public participation is positive in that it can contribute to making programmes more sustainable. Public participation in local government processes, especially in the Integrated Development Plan, is imperative to the promotion of institutional democracy. The Integrated Development Plan as a development tool promotes participatory democracy. This public participation study of the Integrated Development Plan in the City of Cape Town was conducted in four sub-council areas of the city to determine whether public participation was successful and whether the objectives of local government are being met.

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The aim of this study is to assess the extent to which the Saudi Arabia National Dialogue and activities of King Abdulaziz Center for National Dialogue (KACND) represent a viable attempt to address socio-political issues; whether the ongoing National Dialogue process accurately reflects the aspirations and concerns of contemporary Saudi society; what its impact on socio-political development may be; and how it relates to wider regime strategies and to the evolution of the Saudi polity. The thesis examines KACND’s institutions, practices and impacts, as well as Saudis’ perceptions of all these. It does so by embedding the analysis in a survey of the evolution of broader Saudi socio-political dynamics; drawing in particular on Gramsci, it asks whether the system is moving from a form of patrimonial state to one of ideological hegemony, and whether the KACND is a catalyst in this transition or may even be part of the apparatus that is driving this transition, including its indirect or unintended effects. To that end, the thesis examines the mutual relationship between KACND and the key Saudi social constituencies, with their attendant issues. In particular, it explores the extent to which the KACND’s activities directly and indirectly impact on internal cross-constituency communication and discourse in the Kingdom. The thesis explores the legitimisation of state-society dialogue in Saudi Arabia, focusing on the direct and indirect consequences of the National Dialogue process with reference to the role and activities of KACND. It examines the expanding activities of KACND, including the evolving range of issues discussed as part of the institution’s activities, and the scope of participants. It highlights the shift from ideology-based National Dialogue Meetings such as on national unity and women’s rights, to service-based National Dialogues such as on employment and health. It also examines the newly established Cultural Discourse and assesses the impact of this initiative as a space for ideological debate. The study is based on extensive fieldwork in Saudi Arabia from 2009 to 2011, referencing information and official documentation not previously available, and drawing on findings from a wide range of focus groups, interviews, and participant observation with National Dialogue participants, KACND officials, government ministers, lawyers, journalists, scholars and members of minority constituencies

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

The focus of this research was to ascertain the indirect effects upon activism of intervening variables and recognized exogenous influences upon activism. In addition, this research also focused upon the differences and similarities of a recruited activist model and spontaneous activist model. Regression and path analysis were used to measure the direct and indirect effects of the exogenous and intervening variables. This research found that when the intervening variables, political interest, political awareness, exposure to media, altruism, and self-interest were introduced to both the recruited and spontaneous models, the direct effects of the variables were enhanced.

Pourquoi certains dispositifs participatifs brésiliens réunissent-ils principalement des acteurs habituellement peu participants ? Cette thèse s'attache à analyser une participation « improbable » à partir de l'étude des conférences municipales des femmes de Recife et de Londrina. A la différence des analyses « institutionnelles » qui placent le design des dispositifs en facteur explicatif des pratiques de participation, notre approche vise à mettre en évidence leur ancrage social et l'intrication entre le jeu social et le « jeu participatif ». L'hypothèse développée est que la mobilisation des déshéritées dans les conférences des femmes dépend principalement des enjeux propres à l'espace des quartiers populaires et, plus précisément, des luttes pour la représentation en leur sein. Cette thèse repose sur la combinaison de plusieurs niveaux d'analyse : une approche micro-sociologique d'abord, centrée sur les trajectoires et les pratiques de participation des habitantes et une approche méso-sociologique ensuite, visant à rendre compte de l'émergence de la démocratie participative au Brésil. Ces deux niveaux permettent de montrer que la participation des plus démunis aux dispositifs participatifs est le résultat d'une histoire singulière, au cours de laquelle la notion de participation a été associée à un territoire, les quartiers populaires, et des dynamiques individuelles et collectives de construction de leurs porte-parole légitimes / Why do several Brazilian participatory institutions gather people who usually do not participate? This thesis attempts to analyse an “improbable” participation through the case of women's municipal conferences in Recife and Londrina. Although several studies highlight the role of participatory institutions designs to explain why people participate, I argue that it is the intricacy between social and participatory games which explains this mobilization. My main hypothesis is that poor women's participation depends on issues specific to popular districts and more precisely on the competition for representation in those territories.This doctoral research combines two levels of analysis: a microlevel approach, first, based on the study of women's trajectory and their practices of participation; a mesolevel approach, then, which aims at analyzing the emergence of participatory democracy in Brazil. These two levels of analysis show that poor women participation is the result of a singular history, during which the category participation has been linked to a territory, the popular districts, as well as individuals and collective dynamics of construction of legitimate spokespersons within them

This essay studies what affects individual’s political participation in Sweden. Specifically, it examines what affects resources, motivation and networks has on individual’s political participation and if these effects have a greater or lesser impact during election year compared to non- election year. The study applies the civic voluntarism model as theory. According to the theory, individuals who are more motivated and have a good access to resources and networks participate more in politics. This study relies on a quantitative method completed with a logistic regressions analysis and the empirical data used was obtained from SOMinstitute, Gothenburg University. Our research concluded that individuals with more access to resources, networks and high political motivation are more likely to participate in the politics of Sweden. Furthermore, the study revealed that effects of motivation and network has a stronger impact on individual’s political participation in Sweden under election year compared to non-election year.

Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology), March 2017 / In this study, I explore the ways in which legacies of how and where the Zimbabwean liberation war was fought, the landscapes of the struggle, and the violence associated with it were invoked at district and village level by ZANU PF as it sought to instill loyalty, fear and discipline through its supporters and the youth militia. Although they were invoking memories of former guerrilla bases, and the violence often associated with them, the bases set up by ZANU-PF youth militia in 2008 were not established on the actual sites of former guerrilla camps. However, since then, ZANU-PF war veterans in the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) have been returning to the actual sites of the 1970s liberation war guerrilla bases in order to teach senior staff the history of the liberation struggle, drawing together former liberation war collaborators or ‘messengers’ who assisted guerrilla fighters during the war, as well as contemporary unemployed ZANU-PF youth. They used these often highly choreographed events to talk about battles during war, to perform liberation songs, and to explain how ancestors assisted them during the struggle. I examine these recent events, and argue that both the establishment of the new militia bases in the post-2000 period, and invocation of the old, former guerrilla bases dating to the Chimurenga period are deliberate efforts by ZANU-PF to make violence, geography and landscapes do political/ideological work by forging political subjectivities and loyalties that sustain its rule. In stressing these continuities between the 1970s guerrilla bases, and their invocation and reproduction in post-2000 Zimbabwe, I am interested in what the base enables and does in terms of the formation of political subjectivities. I aim to show through critical analysis of the political history and local accounts of the second Chimurenga why political subjectivity and the base are important in the re-examination of both the history and the literature on this history. The base allows for a sophisticated reading of political subjectivity in that it was the space through which the grand narrative of the liberation struggle hit the ground, entered into people’s homes, and constituted a complex relationship between political education, conscientisation, freedom and violence. The liberation war base was meant to make people inhabit subjectivities characterized by bravery, resistance, and resilience when fighting the might of Rhodesian army. In the post-colonial context, the base served the purpose of annihilating the kind of rebellious subjectivities inhabited during the liberation war and replacing them with those characterized by fear, pretense, and quietude. This substitution explains the subjectivities that exist in the post-independence rural population and reveals the purpose that electoral violence has served in Zimbabwe’s post-independence period, especially through the base. However people have also engaged with these landscapes outside of ZANU-PF politicking and this has produced critical subjectivities where people challenge ZANU-PF dominant narratives. / GR2018

A Theses submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in International Relations, October 2017 / This study examines the effectiveness of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance in promoting free and fair elections, focusing on Electoral Management Bodies established and operational in Ethiopia and Lesotho. It assesses practical missions conducted by the EMBs within the three levels of electoral governance theoretical framework; that is rule making, rule application and rule adjudication. This study has significant effects for consolidation of democracy and governance because the democracy discourse recognizes important correlations between quality of elections administered by democratic institutions and governance. The study established that both Ethiopia and Lesotho partially implemented the ACDEG electoral rules due to varying political wills, and that the nations’ EMBs were incompetent and faced logistical challenges. However, Ethiopia’s reluctance to genuinely incorporate and enforce the ACDEG principles within its Electoral Law limited the capacity of the NEBE to manage the 2010 and 2015 elections. Whilst Lesotho’s IEC functioned in an inadequate manner due to recurring political unstable contexts it operated within. Both Ethiopia and Lesotho encountered various electoral challenges notably, evident vote inflation, intimidation, violent incidences, unfair media coverage for opposition parties, unreliable voter registers and unsecured ballot boxes which continue to discredit elections. This study posits that the ACDEG effective implementation in promoting free and fair elections can be fruitful with constant dedication by signatory state parties’ to entirely domesticate ACDEG electoral rules in national laws; maintain impartial EMBs and cooperate with election monitors under a regulated compliance mechanism by the African Union. This would address common electoral challenges tormenting African nations; and aid to prevent non-adherence by state parties who devalue the African Union’s election regulations they willingly acceded to. / XL2018