ALL MY HEROES ARE BROKE is a poetry collection written from the perspective of a first generation American coming to terms with the implicit struggles and disillusionment of the American Dream. The first section takes place in New York, both implicitly and explicitly, and serves to introduce the speaker and reveal aspects of his family’s history. The second section takes place in Florida, and continues to further exemplify the speaker’s growing cynicism towards the circumstances of his life, and the peculiar atmosphere of solitude that it creates. ALL MY HEROES ARE BROKE primarily uses two forms: short, image driven poems inspired by the works of Robert Bly and Po Chu-I; and longer narrative poems that reveal more personal information about the speaker, in the manner of Li-Young Lee and Frank O’Hara, allowing the speaker to project his own life onto his surroundings and the people of those larger communities.

This study is primarily concerned with making an assessment of the social and economic policies pursued by the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) of Grenada between 1979 to 1983. It is the first sociological study of the Grenadian revolution, and is longer and more detailed than any other study that has been written on the subject. The thesis mainly examines developments inside Grenada. It therefore breaks entirely new ground since most of the existing literature views the revolution from the perspective of international relations. The principal methods of investigation used were library research in London and the Caribbean; and six months of field work in Grenada, Barbados and Jamaica, where I attended important political events and conducted interviews with politicians, businessmen, government officials and representatives' of international agencies. The thesis is divided into ten chapters. Chapter one sets the scene for the study by providing information on the culture, geography, history, sociology and economy of Grenada, and traces the events that led to the revolutionary seizure of power in 1979. Chapter two discusses the main theoretical issues raised by the revolution, and chapter three analyses the institutions of popular power established by the PRG. Chapters four to eight examine the principal features of the economic strategy of the revolutionary government, and chapter nine seeks to explain the factors that led to the downfall of the revolution. The concluding chapter contains a very brief summary of the main findings of the study. The central argument put forward in the thesis is that the. revolutionary ideology which guided the PRG was highly authoritarian in character, and led to the implementation of policies that were not suited to Grenadian society. The ultimate downfall of the revolution was caused by the authoritarian practices of the PRG which resulted in a vicious power struggle in which the Prime Minister and over 100 of his supporters lost their lives. This implosion of the post-revolutionary regime gave the United States' government an adequate pretext to invade Grenada and dismantle the institutions of the revolution.

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Florianópolis, 2015. / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-05T03:03:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 336538.pdf: 4163401 bytes, checksum: cfde4b225c029f5d21e4b09f475df9de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / O presente estudo pretende demonstrar uma proposta teórica em torno do tema Pluralismo Jurídico, situado na perspectiva da Sociologia Jurídica crítica para Nuestra América, momento que seja refletido desde o horizonte sócio-histórico e fundamentado pela Filosofia da Libertação. Assim, conforma-se um estudo bibliográfico com intento de apresentar as principais disposições do Pluralismo Jurídico, inserido no percurso histórico da formação e do desenvolvimento do Direito e do Estado na sociedade periférica do continente, em que hegemonicamente se operam as matrizes colonizadoras e monoculturais: eurocentrismo como matriz cultural, colonialismo como matriz institucional e capitalismo como matriz econômica, em conjunto esses três elementos compõem o desenvolvimento eficaz da modernidade. Logo, o que importa resgatar são as relações entre Pluralismo Jurídico e um conceito material do Direito (Insurgente), na convergência de forças sócio-políticas diversificadas em dado momento histórico e em espaço geopolítico determinado com viés de transformação. A metodologia está conformada na proposta crítica pensada desde a Filosofia da Libertação, estruturada em cinco momentos de análise do tema voltado para o pensamento da libertação latino-americana como exterioridade do sistema-mundo moderno (totalidade), em que ganhará destaque a Analética. Objetiva-se expor uma densa reflexão sobre o Pluralismo Jurídico, tomado como reinterpretação da concepção do Direito e da Justiça no processo de inovações jurídicas e políticas das instituições reconstituídas na realidade decolonial, intercultural e de libertação. Portanto, ao final apresenta-se uma proposta teórica com viés inovador, reflexivo e crítico, no intuito de proporcionar a compreensão dos fenômenos sociais do período de transição de paradigmas jurídicos, em que as tendências pluralistas contemporâneas rompem o silêncio histórico frente às doutrinas tradicionais e às práticas jurídicas excludentes das sociedades marcadas pela violência, pela dominação, pela colonialidade e pela opulência das minorias hegemônicas e detentoras do poder sobre as maiorias desagregadas como força política, que outrora apresentam uma condição intersubjetiva e Ética da Alteridade, fundando espaços de Libertação.<br> / Abstract : This study aims to demonstrate a theoretical proposal around the theme Legal Pluralism, situated in the perspective of critical Legal Sociology for Nuestra America, time that is reflected from the socio-historical horizon and founded by the Philosophy of Liberation. Thus conforms to a bibliographic study with intent to present the main provisions of the Legal Pluralism, inserted in the historical route of shaping and development of the law and state in a peripheral society of the continent, where hegemonically operate colonizing and monocultural arrays: Eurocentrism as cultural matrix, colonialism as institutional matrix and capitalism as economic matrix, together these three elements compose the effective development of modernity. So what matters to redeem are the relations between Legal Pluralism and the material concept of the Law (Insurgent), in the convergence of diverse social and political forces in a given historical moment and determined geopolitical space leaning to transformation. The methodology is according to a critical proposal conceived from the Philosophy of Liberation, structured in five moments of theme analysis facing the thought of Latin American liberation as exteriority of the modern world-system (totality), being the highlight the Analética. The objective is to expose a profound reflection on the Legal Pluralism, taking as a reinterpretation of the concept of law and justice in the process of legal and political innovations of reconstituted institutions in decolonial reality, intercultural and of liberation. Therefore, at the end, it presents a theoretical proposal with innovative, reflective and critical character in order to provide an understanding of social phenomena of the transition period of legal paradigms in which contemporary pluralist tendencies break the historical silence in face of traditional doctrines and legal practices that excludes societies marked by violence, by domination, by colonialism and the opulence of hegemonic minorities holders of power over the disaggregated majorities as a political force, which once presented an inter-subjective condition and Ethics of Alterity, founding spaces of Liberation.

Orientador: José Bittencourt de Andrade / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciências Exatas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Geodésicas / Bibliografia: p. 177-180 / Resumo: Nesse trabalho, realiza-se um estudo crítico-conceitual do problema de conexão entre referencias geodésicas clássicas e o sistema terrestre médico, com o seguinte objetivo em vista: determinar parâmetros de transformação entre o SAD 69 (Datum Sul-Americano de 1969) e o sistema Doppler NSWC 972, implícito a efemérides precisas. O preenchimento desse objetivo induz uma investigação de erros sistemáticos significantes, possivelmente ocorridos no projeto de definição do SAD 69. Os modelos de transformação focalizados lidam com coordenadas cartesianas de pontos comuns a ambos os referenciais,, aplicando-se o método dos mínimos quadrados com ferramentas matemáticas para calculo de respectivos parâmetros. O trabalho se encerra com a proposição de uma técnica ("justaposição Elipsoidal"), que permite estimar parâmetros de translação, sem recorrer ao uso de altitudes geométricas referentes ao SAD 96. / Abstract: In this work, a critical-conceptual study is made about the problem OF conecttIon between some classical geodetic reference system and the Average Tenrestrial, with the following aim: to determine transformation parameters between the SAP 69 (South American Vatum of 1969) and the Doppler system NSWC 911, implicit to precise ephemeris. The fulfilment of) this aim induces the investigation of significant systmatic errors, possibly occurred in the SAP 69 definition project. The focused transfomation models deal with cartesian coordinates of points whose positions axe available in both systems, being the least-Aquares method the mathematical tool applied for estimation of correspondent parameters. finally, a technique {"Ellipsoid Matching") is proposed,which allows to evaluate translation prAameters making no use of SAP 69 geometric heights.

This thesis studies Spain’s failure to halt the revolution which led to Colombia’s independence in 1822. After Napoleon’s occupation of the Spanish peninsula in 1808, most of Spain’s South American colonies removed themselves from European control and functioned as sovereign states. The thesis explores, first, the activities of royalists in the Viceroyalty of New Granada during this period. It then turns to events after 1815. In that year, following the defeat of Napoleon, Spain’s restored monarchy despatched a substantial army to Venezuela and New Granada, in an effort to return the viceroyalty to Spanish control. This expedition, while initially successful, failed ignominiously in its task. The thesis examines the reasons for Spain’s defeat, which was more the result of Spanish error than Colombian patriotism. To begin with, Spain’s policies for solving the American problem suffered from several fundamental defects. All attempts at ending the American insurgencies were based on an inadequate understanding of American realities. Moreover, the only policy to which Spain committed itself wholeheartedly, namely military reconquest, was seen by many as merely exacerbating the problem, and was further restricted by financial considerations. Spain thus lacked a coherent policy for counter-revolution, and failed to carry through those plans it succeeded in putting into operation. New Granada saw the effects of this non-policy. Colonial officials there, like officials in Spain, disagreed profoundly in their proposed cures for the insurgency. Furthermore, mutual distrust between members of the civil administration and the royalist army at times overshadowed efforts to defeat the insurgents. Disagreement over policy was but one strand of the royalist crisis in New Granada. Equally serious was the chronic shortage of money suffered by both the army and the civilian administration. Their continual demands for food, funding and supplies wore away Neogranadans’ initial support for Spain’s reconquest, as did the arrogant and offensive behaviour of royalist troops. Perennially short of cash, the army and the administration relied on forced loans and confiscation to keep afloat. These proved an unstable base for a re­imposition of Spanish control. The effect was that the inhabitants of New Granada, most of whom had welcomed the royalist army in 1816, by 1819 gave enthusiastic support to Simón Bolivar’s campaign against Spain’s General Morillo. The thesis examines these issues, setting them in the context of Spain’s effort to restore its authority in New Granada. It then charts the consequent collapse of royal government from 1819 to 1822. It concludes with an assessment of the Spanish response to the loss of the American colonies.

Orientador: Alberto Aggio / Banca: Marcos Alves de Souza / Banca: Fabiana de Souza Frederico / Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a compreender as principais idéias de Darcy Ribeiro para os países latino-americanos, na temática que, com relação a esse problema, enxergamos como central em sua obra: a condição desses países, frente às perspectivas de desenvolvimento que a eles se abrem, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1990. Portanto, trata-se de um trabalho com recorte limitado à História do Presente, que se propõe a dialogar com a História do Pensamento Político, no âmbito da História das Idéias, restrito à perspectiva da História Intelectual, por focar um personagem que se propõe a pensar o Brasil e, como nosso recorte fundamental de trabalho, a América Latina. Como fontes primárias nos utilizamos de três obras de Darcy Ribeiro: As Américas e a Civilização, O Dilema da América Latina, e América Latina: a Pátria Grande. E como secundárias, toda a literatura direta ou indiretamente ligada ao autor. Para envolver o autor em seus contextos, o relacionaremos aos fatos históricos em que é chamado a participar, ou dos quais recebe influências, que de alguma maneira deduzimos contribuir para a elaboração de seu pensamento em relação à América Latina; bem como procuraremos traçar as correntes de pensamento representativas das idéias políticas com que mais claramente dialoga nos diferentes períodos, principalmente as correntes interpretativas da condição dos países latino-americanos frente às suas perspectivas de desenvolvimento / Resumen: Este trabajo se propone a comprender las principales ideas de Darcy Ribeiro para las naciones latinoamericanas, en la temática que, con relación a esto problema, consideramos como central en su obra: la condición de estos países, frente a las perspectivas de desarrollo que a eles se abren, entre las décadas de 1950 e 1990. Por tanto, tratase de un trabajo con recorte limitado a la Historia del Presente, que se propone a dialogar con la Historia del Pensamiento Político, en el ámbito de la Historia de las Ideas, restricto a la perspectiva de la Historia Intelectual, por dirigir el análisis en un personaje que se propone a pensar el Brasil y, como nuestro recorte fundamental de trabajo, la América Latina. Como fuentes documentales primarias nos utilizamos de tres obras del autor: As Américas e a Civilização (Las Américas y la Civilización), O Dilema da América Latina (El dilema de América Latina), y América Latina: a Pátria Grande ( América Latina: la Patria Grande). Y como fuentes documentales secundarias, toda la literatura directa o indirectamente ligada al autor. Para envolver el autor en sus contextos, lo relacionaremos a los eventos históricos en que é llamado a participar, o de los cuales recibe influenza, que de alguna manera deducimos contribuir para la elaboración de su pensamiento con respecto a América Latina; así como procuraremos delinear las corrientes de pensamiento representativas de las ideas políticas con que más claramente dialoga en los diferentes períodos, principalmente las corrientes interpretativas de la condición de los países latinoamericanos frente a sus perspectivas de desarrollo / Abstract: This work intends to comprehend the Darcy Ribeiro's principal ideas about the Latin American nations, focusing the questions that, concerning to this problem, we descry as weighty in his work: the Latin American nations condition in face of their development perspectives between the decades of 1950 and 1990. Wherefore, it is a question clipped to the History of the Present, that proposes to dialogue with the History of Political Thought, in the ambit of the History of Ideas, restricted to the perspective of Intellectual History, due to its focus in a character that propounds to thought Brazil and, especially to the object of this work, the Latin America. Like primary documental sources we exploit three Darcy Ribeiro's works: As Américas e a Civilização (The Americas and Civilization), O Dilema da América Latina (The Dilemma of Latin America) e América Latina: a Pátria Grande (Latin American Nation). And like secondary documental sources we exploit all of the direct and indirect literature we know from and about him. To involve Darcy Ribeiro into the different contexts he lives, he will be linked to the historical facts we deduce he receives influences, in order to compound his thinking about Latin America; in the same way we will seek, in the different periods, the intellectual streams more representatives of the Political Ideas more exploited by our character, mainly the interpretative streams of the perspectives to development to the Latin American nations / Mestre

The present dissertation reconstructs the notion of legitimacy in Ecuador between 1996 and 2007 in order to re-think our measurements and understanding of Latin American democracies. Empirically, the analysis is centered on the country`s puzzling tendency to survive institutional volatility, bad economic performance and social unrest, while the theoretical section underlines the importance of the vertical and horizontal participatory components of legitimacy. After exploring different plausible explanations of Ecuador`s puzzling mixture of political turmoil and regime endurance, this dissertation concludes that legitimacy helped democracy to endure in Ecuador. The main conclusion is that the horizontal components of political participation and the enactment of democratic values by social movements as well as new political parties played a key role in the survival of democracy. The dissertation contributes to the democratization literature by encompassing the normative elements of democracy, while at the same time contributes to democratic theory by pushing further the boundaries of a notion and a case that requires further attention. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

This thesis examines the paradox of the Chile-Peru border, and specifically the Chilean border city of Arica, between 1925 and 2015. Through an eclectic mixed method ‘collage’, primarily relying on archival research and extended interviews, the richness of the lived experience of the border comes to the fore. Arica has been a space of violence since it was appropriated from Peru by Chile in the War of the Pacific (1879-1883) and I am interested in how this violence has lingered and manifested itself in various ways since Arica officially became Chilean territory in the 1920s. This violence often stems from a performance of Chilean machismo at the border. Arica is a space of contradiction. A space of extreme nationalism but also of rejection of the Chilean state, of being central to the Chilean nation but also of being peripheral and abandoned. Over five ‘border moments’ over ninety years Arica oscillates between centrality and marginality dependent on threats to Chilean sovereignty at the border. Through a chronological and multi-disciplinary arc the history of violence in Arica can be better understood. The thesis begins in 1925 when the United States became involved in the dispute over the Chile-Peru border that hadn’t been settled since the War of the Pacific. Violence permeated the region and made an attempted plebiscite impossible and although the border was demarcated through other means in 1929, Arica soon became ignored by the Chilean state. A state of abandonment remained until the 1950s when economic initiatives enacted at the regional level succeeded in raising the prospects and spirits of Arica, purging the area of violence, until the 1970s when General Pinochet’s new economic plan reversed Arica’s progress. Arica instead became a military space in this decade as tensions arose between Pinochet and Peruvian dictator General Velasco and international violence returned. This international level is then contrasted with violence at the corporeal level in Arica in the 1980s when HIV/AIDS and abortion both became increasingly pertinent at the border. The thesis closes with how violence remains present in Arica today, particularly as seen through the 2014 maritime border dispute.

Different dispute resolution mechanisms, including treaties, litigation, negotiation and, to a lesser extent, mediation and arbitration, have been employed to resolve land disputes in Canada over the centuries. Since 1973, the federal government has unilaterally developed and reviewed land claims policies which favour negotiation to resolve land claims between governments and First Nations, Further, two regional institutions were created in Ontario and British Columbia to facilitate the resolution of these complex claims. Various processes have also been used to resolve similar claims in New Zealand and Australia. The problems associated with the present land claims processes in Canada have been discussed for more than twenty years. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the appropriateness of the various dispute resolution processes which are, or could be, employed to resolve the land question in Canada. The search for dispute resolution mechanisms suitable to resolve land claims is undertaken in light of the two basic characteristics of the relationship of the parties to these disputes: the cultural differences, and the imbalance of power between the parties. The first chapter of my thesis examines the history of land claims policies and processes in Canada, discusses the historical relationship between Aboriginal peoples and governments, and explores the main assumptions, premises, values and beliefs held by the parties involved in Aboriginal disputes, and the dynamics of their relationship. The following three chapters discuss specific dispute resolution processes which have been employed to resolve the land question in Canada. At the end of each of these chapters, suggestions are made to improve these various processes. Chapter Two analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of litigation in the context of Aboriginal land cases. Chapter Three examines the process of negotiation, with a focus on the federal government’s policies on land claims. Chapter Four discusses the processes of mediation and arbitration, and considers the appropriateness of these mechanisms to resolve land claims in Canada. Chapter Five provides a comparative look at three institutions which have been created to resolve Aboriginal claims in New Zealand, Australia and Canada: the Waitangi Tribunal of New Zealand; the National Native Title Tribunal of Australia; and the British Columbia Treaty Commission. Finally, Chapter Six identifies the essential elements which must be present for dispute resolution mechanisms to be successful in the Aboriginal land claims context and integrates these basic principles into a general model of dispute resolution for Canada. In the course of my research, I have examined literature dealing with alternative dispute resolution (ADR), the resolution of Aboriginal claims, and on Aboriginal law generally. Throughout this thesis, I have used different methods of research and analysis. The critical approach is used to question the self-professed legitimacy and fairness of some dispute resolution processes, as well as to examine the theoretical underpinnings of various processes for cultural biases. The comparative method is helpful in analyzing different institutions that have been created in Australia, New Zealand and British Columbia to resolve Aboriginal claims. Finally, considering that the field of dispute resolution is informed by a wide variety of disciplines, the interdisciplinary approach is used to present different propositions concerning which dispute resolution mechanisms are the most appropriate to resolve Aboriginal land claims based on anthropological, historical, sociological and political variables. One of the difficulties in trying to find appropriate dispute resolution mechanisms to deal with Aboriginal land claims is to accommodate the diversity of the approximately 633 First Nations in Canada. Another difficulty relates to the fact that most of the ADR literature rarely addresses the issue of cultural differences. This thesis concludes that the various dispute resolution mechanisms studied have both advantages and disadvantages for resolving the land question in Canada. I suggest that each mechanism has a role to play in the overall process of resolving Aboriginal land claims as long as it accommodates the cultural diversity and ensures that all concerned have a voice in designing the process(es) employed to resolve land disputes. This thesis also recommends the creation of an independent land claims body which would provide the benefits of third-party intervention while avoiding the deficiencies of the present judicial system. Objectives would be to reduce costs, expedite procedures, permit flexibility in the handling of polycentric problems, maximize the involvement of the parties in the process and outcome, and facilitate the production of a settlement which contributes to future harmonious relationships between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal society. The most important element remains that discussions about possible changes to the existing processes should occur between governments in partnership with the First Nations of Canada, and in consultation with non-Aboriginal interests. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate