Although the Catalan Question dominated Spanish politics between 1901 and 1923, and the Lliga, considered the first modern political party in Spain, played a prominent role in those debates, little literature exists on this movement's overall political complexities. The Lliga has often been considered simplistically: as the party of the Catalan bourgeoisie that failed to protect its class interest by democratic means, as a conservative party which failed to achieve a nationalist aim, or as a nationalist party that failed to impose itself on Spanish politics. But the Lliga was none of these. It was a movement with a coherent ideology: regionalism. The Lliga sought to restore Catalonia by winning the region autonomy from the central state, and then to use Catalonia as a springboard to regenerate all of Spain. What distinguished this political party was precisely this double goal. This thesis presents the Lliga in the way it saw itself and its contemporaries saw it, within the context of Catalan and Spanish politics, and probes the causes of its failure. This thesis examines perceptions of the movement - both from within and without - to determine the reasons for its failure to achieve concord in Spain, despite (or because of) the enormous success it had in pressing forward its agenda in Catalonia and influencing the course of Spanish politics. The very success of the movement opened the way for its ultimate downfall. The thesis investigates the vocabulary, logistics, and motivations of the Lliga's program and the political mobilization in favor of and opposed to the Regionalists. The Lliga's program grew from nineteenth-century political theory, but it was the work of a particular group of young men who provided the transition to a substantial political movement. Their own motivations are considered.

This thesis is the result of research into the impact on the population of Catalonia of Catalan normalisation policies ('normalisation' in this context refers to the Catalan Government's intention to return Catalan to its rightful place as Catalonia's own language) in education in terms of language behaviour and ethnic relations. Chapter one focuses on the concepts of Bilingualism and Diglossia and how they have been employed in the Catalan context. Chapter two is a review of the relevant literature related to the Catalan situation. Chapter three is a narrative account of the political context of the period under study. Chapter four describes the methodologies and the results obtained from the fieldwork. Chapter five summarises the contributions of the preceding chapters, clarifies the grounded theory generated by this research project and draws conclusions. The theory and methods used to investigate this topic are drawn from sociolinguistics and psycholinguistics, sociology and social anthropology, resulting in a multidisciplinary approach to the material. The wider political context of the Spanish state as a whole is thought to be a crucial factor to be considered in the investigation of ethnic relations within the autonomous region of Catalonia. The relationship between the central state and the region of Catalonia as history has unfolded has had its impact on the modern context of democracy and autonomy. The language attitudes and relations between members of the ethnolinguistic groups in Catalonia are a product of struggles and experiences that have been shared over generations. The fieldwork for this thesis was carried out primarily in Igualada at the beginning of 1993, shortly after the general election when the Socialists lost their overall majority. The research methodologies were qualitative in nature and consisted of: a report on newspaper debates and public discourse concerning the political context of the implementation of language policy. Private discourses were researched by interviews with teachers, pupils and parents associated with the three secondary schools in Igualada, observation of linguistic interaction both in the school environment and in a variety of social contexts, and participation observation of everyday life. The results and conclusions include a discussion of the evidence that the power relationship between the Castilian and Catalan ethnolinguistic groups is of importance to the success enjoyed by policies aimed at the 'normalisation' of the Catalan language. However, it is pointed out that, far from being stable or predictable, the situation of language and ethnic competition is changing and dynamic.

O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar, sob uma perspectiva materialista-dialética, o processo de transformação ideológica da consciência política do autor George Orwell (1903-1950), a partir da obra Homage to Catalonia, publicada originalmente em 1938. A partir disso, a pesquisa procurou compreender a trajetória de Orwell durante o período em que combateu na Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), bem como os contextos políticos e históricos da Espanha e da Catalunha, naquele período. Para isso, foram analisados trechos do livro Homage to Catalonia, bem como de outros trabalhos de George Orwell, dialogando com a fortuna crítica acerca da obra do autor. Também buscou ser feita uma leitura crítica da interpretação e apropriação do pensamento de Orwell por outros autores, confrontando as diferentes visões com as palavras do próprio autor / The main objective of this research is to study the process of ideological transformation of George Orwell\'s (1903-1950) political consciousness, by means of a dialectical materialism perspective, in the book Homage to Catalonia, originally published in 1938. In that manner, this research has tried to comprehend Orwell\'s path in Spain and Catalonia, as a combatant in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), through the analysis of the historic and political context of that time and place. We have studied quotes from Homage to Catalonia, as well as from other works by George Orwell, discussing them with the aid of the critical fortune on the author\'s body of work. We have also tried to understand the interpretation and appropriation of Orwell\'s thought by other authors, confronting those visions with Orwell\'s own words

O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar, sob uma perspectiva materialista-dialética, o processo de transformação ideológica da consciência política do autor George Orwell (1903-1950), a partir da obra Homage to Catalonia, publicada originalmente em 1938. A partir disso, a pesquisa procurou compreender a trajetória de Orwell durante o período em que combateu na Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), bem como os contextos políticos e históricos da Espanha e da Catalunha, naquele período. Para isso, foram analisados trechos do livro Homage to Catalonia, bem como de outros trabalhos de George Orwell, dialogando com a fortuna crítica acerca da obra do autor. Também buscou ser feita uma leitura crítica da interpretação e apropriação do pensamento de Orwell por outros autores, confrontando as diferentes visões com as palavras do próprio autor / The main objective of this research is to study the process of ideological transformation of George Orwell\'s (1903-1950) political consciousness, by means of a dialectical materialism perspective, in the book Homage to Catalonia, originally published in 1938. In that manner, this research has tried to comprehend Orwell\'s path in Spain and Catalonia, as a combatant in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), through the analysis of the historic and political context of that time and place. We have studied quotes from Homage to Catalonia, as well as from other works by George Orwell, discussing them with the aid of the critical fortune on the author\'s body of work. We have also tried to understand the interpretation and appropriation of Orwell\'s thought by other authors, confronting those visions with Orwell\'s own words

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El objetivo central de la tesis doctoral es investigar la importancia de las bases territoriales del nacionalismo catalán, y sobre todo el proceso a través del cual la nación viene a ser definida en términos territoriales. Se puede referir a este proceso como la producción y reproducción territorial de la nación, o la socialización nacional territorial. Así, la tesis propone un estudio cronológico de este proceso en el caso del nacionalismo catalán, desde su inicios en el siglo XIX hasta la actualidad, caracterizada por lo que podemos llamar la globalización. Dentro de este objetivo general, la tesis define el nacionalismo como movimiento e ideología que promueve reivindicaciones en nombre de la nación. Una de las reivindicaciones más importantes es que la nación debe tener o su propio estado o al menos un alto grado de autonomía política. Ya que el ejercicio de tal poder político es necesariamente territorial, el nacionalismo está obligado a controlar o reivindicar un territorio. Sin embargo, la hipótesis principal postula que el nacionalismo no solamente controla o reivindica un territorio concreto, sino que invierte en él un significado especial para convertirlo en territorio nacional. A partir de aquí, para el nacionalismo, la nación viene a ser definida en términos del propio territorio nacional, de modo que la identidad nacional se deriva del territorio. Cómo consecuencia de ello, el control por parte de los nacionalistas sobre territorio y los recursos y personas que contiene queda perfectamente justificado: sus reivindicaciones político-territoriales en nombre de la nación son justificados por el hecho de que la propia nación nace del territorio. En un segundo término, de la hipótesis general, se deriva una segunda hipótesis, construida sobre dos premisas básicas. En primer lugar, la construcción del territorio nacional inevitablemente implica la unificación de lugares distintos dentro de una jerarquía especial, en cuyo punto más alto normalmente se encuentra la capital. Al mismo tiempo, y en segundo lugar, la identidad nacional es una mezcla de identidades procedentes de lugares y zonas concretos que son ampliados para convertirse en componentes de una identidad nacional del territorio entero. La hipótesis es que la identidad nacional resultante de este proceso reflejarán las relaciones existentes en la sociedad. Para avanzar los argumentos con el fin de justificar las hipótesis planteadas, la tesis se divide en dos partes, cada una de cuatro capítulos, además de la introducción y las conclusiones. La primera trata cuestiones generales, sobre el nacionalismo, las bases territoriales de su relación con la nación a través de la identidad nacional, y los posibles cambios que la globalización pueda suponer para esta relación. La segunda parte, desarrolla estos debates en el contexto del nacionalismo catalán y analiza cómo éste ha producido y reproducido la nación catalana territorialmente a lo largo de los últimos dos siglos.En términos generales, se puede concluir que las hipótesis planteadas en la primera parte se confirman en el caso del nacionalismo catalán. Efectivamente, éste reivindica el control sobre un territorio en nombre de la nación. Al mismo tiempo, la nación es producida y reproducida en términos del mismo territorio. Este proceso es una constante en el nacionalismo catalán, desde sus inicios hasta el presente. Además, en el caso del nacionalismo conservador, se realiza un esfuerzo muy claro para situar geográficamente la esencia de la nación catalana en ciertos lugares y zonas rurales del país. En el contexto actual, caracterizado por la compresión del espacio y del tiempo, las bases territoriales del nacionalismo catalán no se han visto alteradas considerablemente, aunque ciertas tendencias podrían minar la primacía de la identidad nacional a largo plazo. / The main objective of the thesis is to investigate the importance of the territorial bases of Catalan nationalism, and, above all, the process by which the nation comes to be defined in territorial terms. We might refer to this process as the territorial production and reproduction of the nation, or national territorial socialisation. Thus, the thesis offers a chronological study of this process in the case of Catalan nationalism, from its beginnings in the 19th century until present times, characterised by what we might call globalization.Within this overall objective, the thesis defines nationalism as a movement and ideology that makes claims in the name of the nation. One of the most important claims is that the nation must either have its own state or a high degree of political autonomy. Given that the exercise of such political power is necessarily territorial, nationalism is obliged to control o claim a territory.The main hypothesis makes the case that rather than merely controlling or seeking to control a given territory, nationalism attaches special meaning to it so that it becomes the national territory. From here, for nationalism, the nation itself comes to be defined in terms of the national territory, so that national identity is derived from that territory. Consequently, nationalist control over territory and the resources and persons contained therein is perfectly justified: the politico-territorial claims in the name of the nation are justified because the nation itself stems from the territory. On a second plain, from this overall hypothesis, we might derive a second that is based on two premises. Firstly, the construction of the national territory inevitably involves the unification of different places within the overall national spatial hierarchy, which is generally dominated by the capital. At the same time, the resulting national identity is a mixture of identities from different places and areas, that are subsequently amplified to become elements of the national identity of the whole territory. The hypothesis here is that the resulting national identity will reflect existing relations of power within the society in question.With the aim of putting forward arguments to validate the hypotheses, the thesis is divided into two parts, each one with four chapters, along with an introduction and conclusions. The first part is concerned with general-level questions regarding nationalism, the territorial bases of its relationship with the nation through national identity, and the possible changes that globalization might imply for this relationship. The second part develops theses questions in the context of Catalan nationalism and analyses how the latter has produced and reproduced the Catalan nation territorially throughout the last two centuries.By way of conclusions, the hypotheses developed in the first part are confirmed in the case of Catalan nationalism. In effect, it claims control over a territory in the name of the nation, while at the same time the nation is produced and reproduced in terms of the territory itself. This process is a constant in Catalan nationalism, from its beginnings until the present day. In addition, in the case of conservative nationalism, there is a clear attempt to situate geographically the essence of the Catalan nation in certain rural places and areas of the country. In the present context, characterised by time-space compression, the territorial bases of Catalan nationalism have not be substantially altered, although certain tendencies associated with globalization might undermine the primacy of national identity in the long run.

S'ha analitzat el pas del paleolític mitjà al paleolític superior a Catalunya en base a l'estudi dels jaciments de la cova dels Ermitons (Sales de Llierca, Garrotxa) i de les coves del Reclau -Arbreda, Mollet i Reclau Viver-(Serinyà, Pla de l'Estany). En concret s'ha estudiat la cultura material i la fauna dels nivells mosterians tardans (paleolítc mitjà final) de les coves de l'Arbreda i dels Ermitons i dels aurinyacians (paleolític superior inicial) de les coves de l'Arbreda i de Mollet. Igualment s'han analitzat els territoris d'explotació de la cova dels Ermitons i de les coves del Reclau. D'aquesta anàlisi es desprén que els dos jaciments se situen en medis absolutament diferents. S'han analitzat els contextos geològics dels dos llocs, s'ha fet les descripció morfològica de cada un dels dos jaciments, així com l'estratigràfica i sedimentològica de cada cova. S'han datat els nivells mosterians i aurinyacians esmentats pel mètode del Carboni 14 AMS, així com també els aurinyacians de la cova del Reclau Viver. S'acompanyen aquestes dades amb les anàlisis paleoecològiques corresponents que s'han pogut efectuar: palinologia, antracologia, ictiologia, herpetologia, aus, quiròpters, insectívors i rosegadors. Es comparen les datacions obtingudes ambles d'altres jaciments i troballes catalans del mateix període: l'abric Romaní (Capellades, Anoia), la Roca dels Bous (Camarasa, la Noguera) i la mandíbula de Banyoles (Pla de l'Estany). Cim a conclusions s'estableixen les diferències a Catalunya entre el paleolític mitjà (cultura de l'home Neandertal) i el paleolític superior (cultura de l'home anatòmicament modern). En el segon apareix la tècnica de talla laminar, la indústria òssia ben elaborada, l'ornamentació, la decoració, es generalitza la importació del sílex com a matèria primera, es diversifica l'utillatge lític i hi ha una major utilització de les coves. S'interpreta aquest pas dins del context geogràfic franco-ibèric i es conclou que a Catalunya es caracteritza fonamentalment per dos fenòments: el reemplaçament abrupte i la contemporaneïtat. Aquesta abastaria entre 40.000 BP i el 33.000 BP segons cronologia radiocarbònica. Durant aquests temps la influència de la cultura del paleolític superior sobre la del paleolític mitjà seria escassa, encara que identificada per la presencia d'alguns útils de tipus paleolític superior en el tardomosterià de la cova dels Ermitons / The Middle Paleolithic transition in Catalonia (NE Spain) has been analyzed through the study of the localitites of Ermitons Cave and the Reclau caves (Arbreda, Mollet and Reclau Viver caves). Both the fauna and the industry of the late Mousterian levels of the Arbreda and Ermitons caves have been studied, as well as the Aurignacian ones of the Arbreda and the Mollet caves. All these levels have been dated by means of 14C AMS, as well as the Aurignacian levels of the Reclau Viver Cave. These data are complemented by a paleoecologic analysis based on palynology, anthracology, ictiology, herpetology, birds, bats, insectivores and rodents.The obtained datings have been compared with those from other Catalonian sites of similar age like Romaní Rock Shelter, Roca dels Bous Rock Shelter and the travertines that yielded the human mandible of Banyoles. The differences between the Middle Paleolithic (corresponding to the Neanderthal man) and the Upper Paleolithic (corresponding to the modern man) have been established. This change is interpreted in the context of the franco-iberian domain and it is concluded that in Catalonia it is characterized by two features: the abrupt replacement and the contemporaneity. This contemporaneity can be placed between 40.000 BP and 33.000 BP. During this phase, there is a scarce influence of the Upper Paleolithic elements in the late Mousterian of the Ermitons Cave.

Thèse--Paris. / "Bibliographie alphabétique": v. 1, p. [xxxvii]-xliv.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 309-329).