This thesis examines a new form of agency for change that has surfaced in rural areas of post-war Guatemala around the defence of territory and natural resources. I argue that this new form of agency emerges in the shadow of a state co-opted by elite factions and manifests distinct qualities from previous expressions of revolutionary and democratic activism. It is localised and characterised by varied aspects of what I call ‘difference’, an antagonistic stance based on locally embedded political, economic and cultural meanings which challenges the elite-promoted reordering of relationships and spaces. This ‘difference’ is enacted through the ‘defence of territory’, which expresses a socio-political and cultural attachment to particular physical spaces and has instigated collective resistances to the implementation of projects linked to the exploitation of natural resources. The thesis analyses this form of agency through two case studies, one among indigenous communities in the Northern Quiché, the second among primarily non-indigenous communities in the municipalities of San José del Golfo and San Pedro Ayampuc. As this research demonstrates, given the firm integration of conventional channels of democratic participation into the patterns of state co-option, the primary aim of these struggles is the re-appropriation of decision-making processes and the carving out of spaces, in which their ‘difference’ can evolve. In the context of a co-opted state, these local expressions of agency create spaces in which fragile, embryonic forms of collective interaction and deliberation that represent a condition for democratic processes, are kept alive. However, their non-linear articulations and specific local character are also a testament to the complexity of the construction of democratic processes in countries like Guatemala.

This study compares repertoire and framing between two protests in the early Dutch environmental movement and two protests in the modern Dutch environmental movement. The aim of the study is to find differences and similarities between the two time periods the protests take place in. The four cases are studied using the comparative case study method, specifically doing a historical comparison. In each case, the theoretical concepts of repertoire and framing are analyzed. Each case is studied through a qualitative analysis of archival and secondary sources, including newspaper articles, publications and social media posts. Using the theoretical concepts of framing and repertoire, several similarities and differences are found between the four cases. All four cases use the frame of the threat to human health in their campaigns and aimed for a low threshold for people to join their campaigns. Frames differed more across campaigns with different topics than across campaigns from different time periods. In repertoire, cases differed across time periods more than within time periods. The contemporary cases focus on commitment by showing the willingness to bear great personal risk, whereas the historical cases focus on showcasing their worthiness through alliances with strategic actors. Overall, the comparative historical analysis employed in this research reveals that there are greater differences between time periods when it comes to repertoire than in framing, showing that repertoire is defined more by time period than framing for the chosen cases.

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[pt] Esta tese de doutorado investiga as ocupações das escolas na percepção dos estudantes no ano de 2016, focalizando estudantes que se posicionaram, respectivamente, de maneira favorável e de maneira contrária à ocupação. A pesquisa adota uma abordagem qualitativa e exploratória do tema, e leva em conta autores de referência que se debruçaram sobre temas como novíssimos movimentos sociais (Day, 2015; Gohn, 2008), coletivos sociais (Maia, 2013; Perez; Souza, 2017), juventude (Corrochano,2018) e tecnologias digitais de informação e comunicação (Castells, 2013; Spósito, 2014). As percepções dos estudantes sobre ocupações foram investigadas em três colégios estaduais de Ensino Médio do Rio de Janeiro, a saber: C. E. Prefeito Mendes de Moraes; C. E. Amaro Cavalcanti e C. E. José Leite Lopes. A escolha do campo esteve baseada na observação de 40 vídeos elaborados e postados por estudantes nas redes sociais durante as ocupações em diversas escolas. A partir desse conjunto de mídias, foi editado um vídeo gatilho, de aproximadamente quatro minutos de duração, que enfatiza temas posteriormente abordados em entrevistas coletivas realizadas com os mesmos estudantes. A pesquisa permitiu compreender que reivindicações relativas a problemas de infraestrutura escolar, a falta de diálogo sobre as demandas de professores e alunos e a eleição direta para diretor se expressaram como fatores promotores de unidade entre os alunos antes e no início das ocupações. O momento de cisão dos estudantes em dois posicionamentos opostos ocorre cedo, a partir da efetivação das ocupações, fazendo dessa experiência comum um fator de distinção entre duas visões de escola. A ênfase na dimensão relacional e afetiva da ocupação é significativa entre os estudantes posicionados a favor do movimento. Entre eles se evidencia um sentimento de pertencimento, uma visão da escola como um bem comum, um espaço feito para eles, estudantes atuais e futuros, e no qual desejam poder colocar suas opiniões. A ênfase dos estudantes na dimensão acadêmica e no potencial prejuízo causado pela ocupação no seu preparo para o Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio é significativa entre os estudantes contrários à ocupação. Entre eles também se evidencia uma preocupação mais pragmática com as aulas perdidas, com a falta de cobertura do currículo e com o enfraquecimento da perspectiva propedêutica da sua escola. A pesquisa também identificou ganhos materiais e simbólicos decorrentes da ocupação. Os primeiros envolvem aspectos tais como: i) medidas para assegurar a transparência no uso dos recursos públicos destinados à merenda escolar; ii) lei dispondo que a provisão do cargo de diretor das escolas da rede estadual de ensino passe a ser feita por eleição direta pela comunidade escolar e não mais por indicação; iii) reativação de medida legal relativa ao grêmio estudantil; iv) estabelecimento de repasse de R$ 15.000,00 (quinze mil reais) a cada escola ocupada para reparos emergenciais, exceto o Colégio José Leite Lopes; v) estabelecimento do compromisso de reforma de 185 escolas com pior indicador de infraestrutura e publicação dos gastos; vi) suspensão das avaliações estaduais. Entre os principais ganhos simbólicos esta pesquisa identificou mudanças institucionais para atender às reivindicações dos estudantes, como a de uma maior escuta por parte da direção das escolas e de um maior espaço para colocar suas opiniões. / [en] In this thesis, we investigate the perception of students who took part in 2016 schools occupation, focusing on groups of students who were for and against the movement. The research uses a qualitative and exploratory approach of the theme, considering authors who have studied the new social movements (Day, 2015; Gohn, 2008) and social groups (Maia, 2013; Perez; Souza, 2017), as well as youths and digital technologies of information and communication (Corrochano, 2018); Castells, 2013; Spósito, 2014). Students perceptions about the occupation have been investigated in three state high schools in Rio de Janeiro: C. E. Prefeito Mendes de Moraes; C. E. Amaro Cavalcanti; and C. E. José Leite Lopes. We have chosen these schools based on 40 videos, recorded and published by students in social networks during the occupation of different schools. From this media, a video of approximately four minutes was edited in order to emphasize themes that were going to be discussed in group interviews with the same students. By the research, we can understand that claims related to school infrastructure, to the lack of dialogue about teachers and students demands, and to the direct election of schools principals, promoted unity among students before and in the beginning of occupation. The moment of disagreement between the two groups of students, in opposed ways of positioning, happened right in the beginning of occupation itself, what shows two different views about school. Emphasis in the relational and affective dimensions of occupation can be observed in the discourse of students who were for the movement. They show that school belongs to them and is a common space made for current and future students, where they should be able to show their point of view. On the other hand, students who were against the movement emphasize the academic dimension of school and a possible damage caused by the occupation regarding their preparation to High School National Exam (ENEM in Portuguese), which is used for admittance to universities in Brazil. These students pragmatically worry about lost lessons, curriculum and a possible damage in school s propaedeutic perspective. The research has also identified material and symbolic gains, resulting from the occupation. Among the material gains, we can point out: i) actions to assure transparency in the use of public budget intended to students meals; ii) a law to establish that schools principals should be directly elected by the school community; iii) reinstatement of a legal measure related to students council; iv) establishment of R$ 15.000,00 (fifteen thousand reais) to be transferred to each school that was occupied, except the school José Leite Lopes, which received funds only for emergency repairs; v) commitment to overhaul 185 schools that had the worst infrastructure indexes, publishing all the expenses; vi) discontinuation of tests aiming on state schools accountability. Among the main symbolic gains, this study identified institutional changes focused on students’ claims, such as a greater dialogue with schools principals.

This thesis examines how trade unions are meeting the two-fold challenge of a fall in youth unionisation and a changed media usage amongst youth. The researcher attempts to answer this question by examining how three different trade unions (Sveriges Ingenjörer, SI, Kommunal and Hotell och Restaurang facket, HRF) are communicating with a younger generation for the purpose of recruiting them. The thesis is based on a theoretical framework derived from communications theories and practices specifically aimed at youth, as well as theories about union recruitment strategies, civic engagement and the logic of collective action (since unions represent collective interests). The researcher has applied a qualitative approach where the thesis rests on in-depth interviews with different respondents. The findings of the thesis reveal that all the unions have started to face up to the challenge of falling youth unionisation (by applying the advice put forward in literature on youth and health communications, and union recruitment literature). However, the findings note that the unions have applied the advice to varying extent, with Sveriges Ingenjörer being furthest ahead. In addition, the findings illustrate that the unions seem to be responding to the challenge of a changing media usage amongst youth. Yet, the researcher believes that the unions might do well in exploring a more participatory style of communication, since youth today have started to expect a higher degree of participation in their communication online. The findings also highlight that both Kommunal and HRF seem to be facing tougher challenges than Sveriges Ingenjörer in communicating with youth for the purposes of recruiting them because of differences between the sectors the unions organise.Finally, the findings reveal that the unions communicate with youth in accordance with Olson’s theory of logic of collective action (Congleton, 2015), which highlights that individuals will only join a union if there is an individual gain to offset the union fee.

This research contributes to gaps in the international relations literature explaining the emergence of transnational advocacy networks. Specifically, this research contributes to understanding TAN emergence due to a gap in institutional approaches to casualty recording in conflict and why actors join TANs. This TAN is particularly worthy of investigation because casualty records measure the scope of violence in a conflict and are often highly politicized and contested. Existing explanations of TAN emergence can be organized into three broad categories of analysis: sociological, political, and economic. The earliest explanations align with a sociological explanation for TANs as a mechanism for changing international norms. Social movement theorists account for TANs as a mechanism for civil society to challenge power structures. While other researchers suggest TANs should be treated like interest groups, and their emergence stems from an economic need for material incentives. This research extends the economic category of analysis and argues that actors join TANs for non-material, intangible incentives. Intangible benefits include knowledge, methodologies, data, or access to data sources. This research utilized a qualitative case study method to test all three categories of existing explanations using surveys, interviews, and archival records. Testing not only investigated hypotheses relating to the three categories of existing theories but also produced findings describing facilitators of TAN emergence, temporally-bound intangible benefits, and the types of intangible benefits available to actors. TANs are important to international politics because they influence norms, shape policies, and function as a bridge for local actors with the international community. This research produced findings with central themes about why resource-poor actors may spend their limited resources to join TANs. Further investigation into the intangible benefits available to actors joining TANs in settings other than conflict may provide greater insight into the value of intangible benefits to collective behavior. / Doctor of Philosophy / While body counts are generally presented as a measure of accountability or to raise awareness about civilian deaths in the public sphere, body counts are fiercely contested and highly politicized. This occurs during the conflict and decades after a conflict is resolved. Civilian body counts serve as political apparatuses for states and political actors to negotiate, challenge, and produce security narratives. Because of this politicization, the number of civilian casualties in violent conflict is not fully known, and their deaths' impact on the overall state's security is not well understood. While International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and human rights laws provide protection for civilians in conflict, documenting casualties is not addressed. International law does not prescribe methods for recording casualties; therefore, there is a gap in how international institutions approach accounting for casualties. In the early 2000s, facilitated by ICTs, civil society began to fill this gap by documenting casualties and collaborating across boundaries. This research traces the emergence of a Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) that appeared in 2009 to collaborate on recording conflict casualties. This study produced five findings and contributes to understanding how ICTs facilitate TANs and identifying intangible benefits available to actors at network events that motivate their participation. Intangible benefits include knowledge, methodologies, data, or access to data sources. This research is worthy of investigation because TAN development is poorly understood yet they influence international politics by shaping norms, policies and linking local communities with international organizations.

Yes / This paper focuses on the dispute over river Cauvery in Southern India. Among the causes of river water disputes are contested property rights, difficulty in enforcing such rights, conflict of uses and a lack of willingness to compromise. A co-operative outcome in such cases depends on several factors: asymmetry of power in a triadic relationship between a federal government and two riparian states (one upstream and one downstream). Other factors influencing co-operation are the extent to which the claims of river waters can be elevated from those of immediate riparian peoples to those of an entire state; the dominance of a masculine paradigm towards 'taming' river waters using 'hard' investments rather than 'soft' and decentralised alternatives. On the basis of district level data, the importance of river Cauvery to the hydrology, economy and polity of the two contesting states is examined. This analysis helps us to appreciate why the two riparian state governments have limited room to manouvre. Drawing from two brief case studies of Murray Darling Basin and recent litigation in the USA, and other international experiences of river water treaties, the paper identifies various implications for the resolution of Cauvery and other river water disputes.

Northern Iraq's Christians are a second-order minority. That is, they are a minority within a minority. They occupy a tenuous position between the Arab-dominated central government and the Kurdistan Regional Government. All Christians in northern Iraq desire to remain in their historic homelands. Yet efforts to advance a common political goal have been rare. Differences within the Iraqi Christian community center on three interrelated points: 1) the adoption and advancement of the Assyrian ethno-nationalist identity; 2) the struggle for leadership of the community between secular parties and church officials; and 3) the securing of group rights through either Baghdad or Erbil, which is typified by the debate over a province for minorities in the Nineveh Plain. The Islamic State's invasion in June 2014 made this dynamic even more complex. This dissertation explores how a second-order minority mobilized to protect its homelands during state breakdown and state recalibration. It examines how an Iraqi Christian political party, the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM), responded to the rise and spread of the Islamic State. More specifically, it analyzes the ADM's creation of a self-defense force, the Nineveh Plains Protection Units (NPU), and how the party positioned itself for the post-conflict state. Data generated through ethnographic fieldwork, combined with existing primary and secondary sources, reveals a detailed process whereby security threats shaped mobilization. Notions of historic homelands and distrust of both the central government and KRG were the central factors shaping this outcome. The ADM created the NPU to liberate occupied lands. More importantly, the NPU was created to ensure Christians retained a place in their historic homelands after the Islamic State was evicted. The use of the name "Nineveh Plains Protection Units" held strategic importance. The binding principle of the NPU was an indigenous-based attachment to the Nineveh Plain, including the right to defend it, and Christianity in Iraq. Both elements captured the common threads among all Iraqi Christians and the claim they make on the state. The ADM, therefore, was particularly attuned to Iraq's pre-Islamic ancient Mesopotamian heritage. This ironically echoed earlier efforts by the Ba'ath regime to instill a Mesopotamian identity among citizens by glorifying a common Assyrian and Babylonian heritage all could presumably share. Second-order minority status meant the ADM had to eventually align with either Baghdad or Erbil. The ADM chose Baghdad, effectively balancing against ISIS and the KRG in the Nineveh Plain. Baghdad proved a willing partner for a time. The ADM, however, was left alone to navigate the Nineveh Plain's position in the September 2017 Kurdistan referendum on independence. / PHD / This dissertation examines the Assyrian Democratic Movement’s response to the Islamic State. It analyzes the ADM’s creation of a self-defense force, the Nineveh Plains Protection Units, and how the party positioned itself for the post-conflict state. Data generated through ethnographic fieldwork conducted in northern Iraq combined with existing primary and secondary sources reveals a detailed process whereby security threats shaped mobilization. Homeland claims and distrust of both the central government and KRG were the central factors driving this process. Second-order minority status meant the ADM had no choice but to pick sides between Baghdad and Erbil. The party eventually aligned with Baghdad. However, it was left alone to navigate Nineveh Plain’s position within the Kurdistan independence referendum.

This dissertation aims to examine the relationship between interorganizational collaboration and the implementation of urban greening policy. Specifically, it discusses bonding and bridging relationships that explain a successful interorganizational collaboration, and to what extent these factors explain the perception of success in the implementation of public programs. The effects of risks of collaboration on the implementation of urban greening policy are also studied. To frame the analysis, this dissertation uses Feiock's institutional collective action (ICA) framework, which aims to understand successful interorganizational collaboration and policy implementation across sectors. The collection of data was carried out in Riyadh City in Saudi Arabia, which is located in the center of Saudi Arabia. In this study, the unit of analysis is the networks of relationships among organizations that work with the Royal Commission for Riyadh City (RCRC). The data were obtained from 44 organizations collaborating to implement urban greening projects in Riyadh City and were collected over 17 days from June 15, 2019 to July 2, 2019. The sampling technique used in this study was snowball sampling. The main statistical methods employed for hypothesis examination were social network analysis (SNA) and ordinary least squares (OLS). The key empirical results indicated that there were 12 major organizations most central within the network (i.e., 11 public organizations, and 1 private organization). Also, the findings revealed that among the 12 organizations, the most central organization within the network was the Ministry of Environment, Water, & Agriculture. Further, the empirical findings indicated that bonding relationships among organizations increase the levels of perceived success in the collaboration to implement urban greening projects. The results indicated that network betweenness (bridging) has no statistically significant effect on the perceived success in interorganizational collaboration. The findings revealed that the three categories of collaboration risks, coordination problems, division problems, and defection problems have no statistically significant effects on perceived success in the collaboration to implement urban greening projects. Overall, the hypotheses were partially supported by the results of the analyses. This dissertation builds upon and expands the application of the ICA framework by using it in an international context. It can inform public managers in public organizations in addition to other organizations that work in a variety of areas regarding the implications of collaborative work. The results may encourage organizations to successfully collaborate with other organizations in adopting policies for climate change adaptation such as urban greening to mitigate the effects of future climatic events. Finally, this study indicates its limitations and future research directions.