Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Walderes - mestrado.pdf: 4317027 bytes, checksum: 019b5e74744ce619af429d689e715a3d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-23 / The communication between companies and communities can be a tool to the strengthening of citizenship and a way to prove the social responsibility of an economical organization. The possibilities and limits of this process are the theme of this study and the research refers to the relationship between Petrobras and the population of Jardim Nova Goiânia, a neighborhood in Senador Canedo, GO which stands between two pipelines. During the research, local residents and leaders of the community were elected to work as interlocutors and were interviewed about their memories and points of view concerning how the neighborhood was populated, the infrastructure and their perception about the interaction between the company and the local residents. The investigation showed evidence that there were processes of institution of active citizenship, such as social practices that were not meant to make the residents dependent on them and the respect to the right of these residents to information. Those social practices were present in the mobilization and organization of the local residents and Petrobras contributed to this process. On the other hand, the research indicated the lack of evidence of the company s contribution to the sustainable development of the community which is still fragile in relation to the ability of acting as an association what would make the community capable of demanding moral responsibility from public systemic structures. / A comunicação entre empresa e comunidade pode ser um instrumento de fortalecimento da cidadania da população e de comprovação da responsabilidade social de uma organização econômica. As possibilidades e limites deste processo é o tema deste estudo que toma como referência o relacionamento da Petrobras com a população do Jardim Nova Goiânia, um bairro do município de Senador Canedo, GO, margeado por dois oleodutos. Para a pesquisa, lideranças e moradores foram eleitos como interlocutores, sendo ouvidos através de entrevistas em profundidade e grupos focais, nos quais foram relatadas e debatidas memórias e pontos de vista sobre o processo de ocupação do bairro, a conquista de infra-estrutura e as percepções a respeito da interação entre a empresa e a população. A investigação apontou indícios de processos instituintes de cidadania presentes em mobilizações e organizações dos moradores e também contribuições da Petrobras para esse processo, manifestas em práticas sociais não assistencialistas e de reconhecimento por parte da empresa do direito dos moradores à informação. Por outro lado, a pesquisa apontou que faltam evidências da contribuição da empresa para o desenvolvimento sustentável da comunidade que, por sua vez, ainda é frágil quanto ao associativismo crítico que a capacitaria a exigir, das estruturas sistêmicas, condutas pautadas pela moralidade pública.

The present study has a threefold aim: First, the theoretical aim is to give a contribution to refinement of the theory of dialogue based feminist ethics, concerning the understanding of judgment and narration within such an ethics.  The study also has an empirical aim, defined as to clarify what kind of knowledge, relevant to the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor, can be received from dialogical interpretation and analysis of a limited selection of critically reflecting life stories. Third, a methodological aim is defined as to develop an approach to interpretation and analysis of reflecting life stories, which renders the storyteller visible as a reflecting moral subject, and makes the story accessible as a source of knowledge for the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor. The thesis combines philosophical reflection and argumentation, with a narrative-hermeneutic method for interpretation of life stories, relating the two to each other in a hermeneutic process.  The theoretical reflection draws on Seyla Benhabibs theory of communicative ethics. A dialogue based model for moral justification and a likewise dialogue based model for political legitimacy are at the heart of this universalistic theory, although in combination with a conception of a narratively and hermeneutically constituted context sensitive moral judgment, based on Hannah Arendt’s concept “enlarged thought”. In the reflection, this model is related to other feminist theorizing within the tradition of dialogue based feminist ethics, as found in the works of Iris M. Young, Georgia Warnke and Shari Stone-Mediatore. The empirical study draws on three critically reflecting life stories from Israeli-Palestinian women activists for a just peace. The methodology for interpretation and analysis that is worked out combines dialogical interpretation as presented in Arthur W. Frank’s socio-narratology with a method for structural analysis derived from Shari Stone-Mediatores theory of storytelling as an expression of political resistance struggle. The results show that some stories drawing on marginalized experiences have a potential­ to stimulate further public debate through their capacity to enable a stereoscopic seeing, elucidating a tension between ideologically structured discourse and non-linguistic experience; implying that narrative-hermeneutic competence should be considered crucial for public debate.

Under the 1990s restructuring of the Swedish education system, ‘the fundamentaldemocratic values’ have stipulated clearly both in the Education Act and all of thenational curricula as one of the educational goals. This study aims to illuminate how thefundamental democratic values in the Swedish curriculum for preschool are implemented,its process and outcome on a micro level, a preschool. The role of the preschools inSweden has been changed especially after the new curriculum has been issued in 1998, and now, “to impart and establish respect for human rights and the fundamentaldemocratic values” is an important task of the preschools and expected to “activelypromote” in its work with children. Through a qualitative case study focused on apreschool in Forest municipality, Stockholm, the findings show the principal and thepedagogue in the chosen preschool are conscious of the importance of the fundamentaldemocratic values within the individual perspectives. This study also illustrates that thepedagogue have developed their understanding for the fundamental values continuously,through the several types of meetings, and have applied it to their daily activities.Furthermore, the findings also show that the pedagogue in the chosen preschool haveutilised ‘the five value keywords’ those were selected in the school district where thepreschool belonged. As a whole the research on the chosen preschool indicates theimportance of role of pedagogue at preschool for implementation of the nationaleducation policy. On the other hand, this study has clarified that Forest municipality hashad important role for the implementation process and evaluation of preschools in themunicipality. This fact indicates that how municipalities take initiatives affects successfulimplementation of the curriculum. As concluding remarks, this study argue the results ofthe present research indicate that the chosen preschool has supplied opportunities for bothchildren and parents to learn/exercise deliberative democracy, that may be seeds to fosteractive citizen.

Undersökningen syftar till att utforska en postsekulär variant av integrationsbegreppet, genom att kritiskt granska aktuell forskning om integration. Detta genom ett explorativt begreppsstudium som primär metodologisk ansats, ett allmänt litteraturstudium som sekundär ansats, samt ett intersektionellt perspektiv som komplementär teoretisk ansats. Undersökningens postsekulära teoretiska ramverk utgörs av Zygmunt Baumans teori om flytande modernitet, Charles Taylors teori om den dialogiska funktionen, och Seyla Benhabibs teori om deliberativ demokrati. Undersökningen visar på fem centrala dimensioner av det postsekulära integrationsbegreppet; (i) mer än enbart religion, (ii) förändrade maktförhållanden och villkor, (iii) intersektionalitet, (iv) samtida aktivism, och slutligen (v) ideal och visioner. Den första dimensionen syftar till att problematisera den vetenskapliga debatten om postsekularitet, och påpeka dess ensidiga betoning på religion och religiositet i relation till sekulära samhällen. Den andra dimensionen syftar till att undersöka maktförhållanden och villkor, med grund i historiska, ekonomiska, sociala och globala faktorer. En tredje dimension belyser den mänskliga identitetens komplexitet och dess transformation, utifrån maktrelationer och tillhörighetskategorier. Den fjärde dimensionen som trädde fram accentuerade begrepp som deliberativ demokrati, omförhandling, försoning och solidaritet. Fokus lades främst på socialt engagemang och gräsrotsinitiativ som former av aktivism. Den femte och avslutande dimensionen anspelar på idealets och visionernas betydelse, och hur dessa träder fram i samtida sekulär kontext. Med grund i undersökningens resultat, är det möjligt att påvisa hur traditionella förståelser av integrationsbegreppet framträder som otillräckliga och kontraproduktiva i strävan efter jämlik och inkluderande integration. / The purpose of this study is to explore a postsecular alternative to the concept of integration, through a critical examination of current research on integration. This is achieved through an explorative conceptual study as the primary method, a general literature study as the subordinate method, and an intersectional perspective as a complementary theoretical approach. The postsecular theoretical framework of this thesis consists of Zygmunt Bauman’s theory of liquid modernity, Charles Taylor’s theory of the dialogical function, and Seyla Benhabib’s theory of deliberative democracy. The study presents five central features of the postsecular concept of integration as being; (i) more than just religion, (ii) change in power relations and conditions, (iii) intersectionality, (iv) contemporary activism, and lastly (v) ideals and visions. The first feature aims to scrutinize the scientific postsecular debate, and point out its one-sided emphasis on religion and religiosity in relation to secular societies. The second feature aims to examine power relations and conditions, constituted by historical, economic, social and global factors. A third feature illuminates the complexity and transformation of identity, with regards to power relations and categories of belonging. The fourth feature which appeared in the study emphasized concepts like deliberative democracy, renegotiation, reconciliation and solidarity. The focal point being social commitment and grassroots- levels of initiatives as forms of activism. The fifth and concluding feature refers to the significance of ideals and visions and how these appear in contemporary secular context. Based on this study, it is possible to claim how traditional understandings of the concept of integration appear inadequate and counterproductive in the endeavor of an equal and inclusive integration.

Master Thesis 2013 David Pospíšil Abstract: The subject of this master thesis is to analyze the current state of the mid- term planning of social services at regional level. This master thesis also describes the historical context of community planning, social services and their financing system. In this thesis there are applied methods as problem and objectives tree and multi-criteria evaluation of mid-term plans of social services development at the regional level, analysis and study of current legal standards related to this issue and questionnaire survey with representatives of the regions and the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs. This thesis deals with the mid-term planning of social services in relation to the present legal anchor in Czech legislation. Mid-term planning of social services is based on the principle of subsidiarity. The whole process should be as open to the public and especially other immediate stakeholders as to providers or users of social services. The planning process is not entirely new tool for decision-making and the development of strategies. It appears there are many activities and areas that are not well interconnected. For example, the process of financing social services, which is conducted partly at the regional and partly on the state level. Within the planning...

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台灣地區的民主化過程一直是中外學者注視的焦點。在長期實行民選地方政府或地方自治的台灣，真正是一個民主的社會嗎？在解嚴、動戡時期終止前，很容易回答，由於沒有組黨自由，中央民代選舉只是部分的增額改選，台灣的全國政治並不能達到民主社會的基本標準。但是，地方選舉則是長期地、完整地在舉行，要回答台灣地方是否民主，仍很難輕易地給予答案。地方民主是如此複雜、多樣化的面貌，如何才算達成地方民主？本論文基本上是以Leach和Percy-Smith所提出的地方民主的四個面向為標準，此即：1、課責性；2、回應性；3、參與性；4、代表性；進而探討。 筆者研究後發現：第一，從台北市的民主經驗來看，代表性應該不是問題的癥結；所謂的代表性是否意味著該和R. A. Dahl所言的，和社會人口或職業的結構相符合？在地方民主上來看，由於社會的多元化，以及要求民意代表的專業及高學歷背景，代表社會結構的多元民主（polyarchy）是否值得再強調？可以深思。第二，從台北市的民主經驗來看，參與性應該是地方民主很重要的一項指標。如何讓民眾更直接的參與到民主政治中，除了選舉之外，應該有更多的、直接的交換意見的平台或管道，例如公民投票、公民論壇、協調會等等。第三，地方民主的參與和地方政府的回應性夾雜在一塊，民眾參與到政策討論的領域中，政府也加入予以回應。所以，地方民主中，回應性與參與性似乎呈現某種程度的關聯性。第四，不論是參與性、回應性等民主的程度，都與政府能力有關，似乎地方政府解決問題的能力越高，民眾就越會表現出對於地方政府做為的參與，以及政策的回應。

本文旨在探討透過權力分享式民主與審議式民主的取徑，來緩解當前台灣民主困境的可行性。 首先，本文討論了當前台灣民主困境的成因，以及藍綠雙方的根本差異。同時指出，台灣當前的民主困境可被視為一種極度分裂社會的狀態來理解，並將台灣民主困境的關鍵難題，定位在認同差異與政治不信任。 其次，本文從既有的權力分享式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性概念」與「經驗性證據」；做為權力分享式民主對當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，利用協合式民主去處理當前台灣民主困境，應是個值得嘗試的方向。若將協合式民主中菁英間的決策模式，改由審議取代議價，則此種修正型的協合式民主可為長期解決族群衝突提供更多的可能性。 繼之，本文從既有的審議式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性理念」與「經驗性證據」，作為審議式民主對於當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，理論上，審議式民主的理想審議是可以解決當前台灣民主困境，只不過理想言說情境在現實生活中很難達成。但是這並不排除理想言說情境是可以近似達成的。不過文獻中迄今仍無經驗證據顯示，單獨利用審議式民主可以解決在極度分裂社會中的國家認同問題。為了讓對立雙方願意自由參加對話、願意相互尊重，以及願意理性溝通，必須提供誘因，而權力分享就是一種誘因。此外，為了判斷對話或審議環境是否接近理想言說情境，必須要有量化的測量工具，而話語品質指數(DQI)就是一種工具。因此，權力分享與DQI，就是強化審議式民主的兩種有效工具。 面對當前台灣民主困境，本文最後提出了一個結合協合式民主與審議式民主(即修正型的協合式民主)的現階段策略的建議。 / This thesis explores the feasibility of mitigating ethnic conflict of current Taiwan employing the methods of power-sharing democracy and deliberative democracy. First of all, the causes and the key difficult problems of democratic predicament, and the dispute in national identity between the pan-blue and pan-green camps, as those currently exist in Taiwan, are discussed in greater detail. The key difficult problems appear to be conflict in identities and political distrust. Next, based on the existing literature of power-sharing democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that the use of consociational approach to manage democratic predicament of current Taiwan should be the direction worth trying. The so-called modified consociational democracy, which is formed to meet the deliberative requirements of publicity and reciprocity, by replacing consociational decision making with deliberation, may provide more possibility for longer-term goal of ethnic conflict resolution. Likewise, based on the existing literature of deliberative democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that, theoretically, the use of ideal deliberation approach appears capable of dealing with the democratic predicament of current Taiwan. Although it is not possible to create Habermas’s ideal speech situation on a precise level, it is possible to achieve ISS approximately. However, there did not exist any empirical evidence in the literature to demonstrate that the application of deliberative democracy alone may provide conflict resolution of the national identity problem in deeply divided societies. In order to let both sides of the conflicting groups be willing to participate freely in the dialogue, be willing to respect one another, and be willing to communicate rationally, it is necessarily to provide both sides with power-sharing incentives tailored to make both sides feel absolutely secure. In addition, in order to evaluate how close the dialogue or deliberative approaches the conditions of ideal speech situation, it is necessarily to have a quantitative measuring instrument at our disposal and the discourse quality index (DQI) is such an instrument. Therefore, power-sharing and DQI tend to form two effective tools for strengthening the deliberative democracy. Finally, this thesis proposes the modified consociational democracy as the present stage strategy for the resolution of democratic predicament of current Taiwan.