Cette thèse analyse un processus de changement institutionnel graduel défini comme la fédéralisation de la gouvernance de l’immigration et de l’intégration. Ce processus s’est déroulé au Canada entre 1990 et 2010. Il a comme caractéristique centrale la croissance des activités en immigration et en intégration de tous les gouvernements provinciaux ainsi que le maintien parallèle d’activités du gouvernement fédéral. L’argument central défendu est que les provinces ont joué un rôle de déclencheur et de mainteneurs dans ce processus, qui ne peut donc pas s’expliquer uniquement par une volonté fédérale de décentraliser la gouvernance de l’immigration. L’analyse démontre que la fédéralisation est le résultat de l’interaction, dans le temps, de deux mécanismes : la construction provinciale et la décentralisation. Centrale à cette démonstration est la mise en lumière de l’existence d’une variation structurée dans les politiques, programmes et discours provinciaux en matière d’immigration et d’intégration. En effet, la thèse s’ancre dans la démonstration empirique de quatre modes d’intervention en immigration et en intégration : 1) holistique (Québec et Manitoba), 2) réactif (Ontario et Colombie-Britannique), 3) passerelle (Alberta et Saskatchewan) ainsi que 4) attraction-rétention (provinces atlantiques). Malgré ces différences, l’analyse montre qu’une similarité est partagée par les dix provinces : une conception de l’immigration comme ressource pour la société provinciale. Le retraçage du processus de fédéralisation s’effectue par le biais d’études de cas des trajectoires provinciales, au sein desquelles il est possible d’observer le fonctionnement et les interactions des deux mécanismes. L’analyse montre que le positionnement temporel des provinces dans le processus de fédéralisation explique en partie les différences dans les modes d’interventions en immigration et en intégration qu’elles ont développés. Plus largement, l’analyse met en lumière l’importance de tenir compte de l’évolution du contexte fédéral pour comprendre la mise en mouvement du mécanisme de construction provinciale en immigration dans les dix provinces canadiennes entre 1990 et 2010. Les contributions de cette thèse sont les suivantes. Premièrement, nous montrons l’efficacité d’une analyse institutionnelle historique centrée sur les processus de changements institutionnels graduels pour l’étude du fédéralisme et des politiques publiques au Canada. Deuxièmement, nous effectuons une contribution empirique en retraçant et comparant les trajectoires contemporaines des 10 provinces en ce qui a trait au développement de politiques et d’institutions liées à l’immigration et à l’intégration, à l’aide d’entretiens, de l’analyse de documents officiels et de documents d’archives. Troisièmement, notre analyse démontre qu’une analyse mécanistique permet de revitaliser la notion de construction provinciale en augmentant sa portabilité et sa portée explicative. / This dissertation analyzes a process of gradual institutional change defined as a federalization of the governance of Canada’s immigration and integration regime. This process of change unfolded gradually between 1990 and 2010. Its central feature was the growth of the activities of the ten provincial governments in the domains of immigration and integration, coupled with the maintenance of federal activities in these same policy areas. The central argument defended in this dissertation is that provinces acted both as central triggering agents of this process of institutional change, as well as the maintainers of this process Thus, federalization cannot be understood solely as the result of federal decisions to decentralize Canada’s immigration and integration regime. Instead, the analysis shows that this change is the result of the interaction – in time – of two mechanisms: province building and decentralization. Central to this argument is the existence of a structured variation in provincial policy responses, which hints at provincial agency within a specific institutional regime. Indeed, the dissertation’s central argument is rooted in the empirical demonstration of four contemporary modes of intervention in immigration and integration: 1) holistic (Quebec and Manitoba), 2) reactive (Ontario and British Columbia), 3) bridging (Alberta and Saskatchewan), 4) attraction-retention (Atlantic Provinces). Despite this structured variation, one similarity is shared by all of the provinces: a conception of immigration as a resource for provincial societies. Process-tracing methodologies are used to follow the unfolding of the federalization process, focusing on ten provincial trajectories. This method makes it possible to document the activities and interactions of the two mechanisms in time. The analysis demonstrates that the timing of each province’s engagement in the federalization process partially explains the specificities of their mode of intervention in immigration and integration. More broadly, the analysis highlights important connections between the evolution of Canadian federalism and the activation of a province building mechanism centered on immigration in Canada between 1990 and 2010. The dissertation makes three contributions. First, it demonstrates the relevance of the historical institutionalist approach, particularly of work focused on gradual processes of institutional change, for the study of Canadian federalism and public policy. Second, the dissertation makes an empirical contribution by comparing ten provincial trajectories of policy development over a twenty-year period, using interviews, official documents and archival materials. Third, the dissertation contributes to a revitalization of the concept of province building by showing that recasting it as a social mechanism can increase both its portability and its explanatory power.

The debate over federal income tax treatment of home mortgage interest (HMI) has largely overlooked an important, and possibly unintended political and economic consequence of our federal income tax system. The distribution of the for home mortgage interest deduction tax benefit across states is a possible missing consideration. Specifically, this study offers a federalist1 perspective on the federal income tax benefit from the deduction for HMI - one of the largest personal federal tax expenditures on the books. This dissertation analyzes current national political rhetoric from a federalist perspective. Discussion also includes background, current status, and proposed changes to the tax code for of the HMI deduction. First, a Tobit regression is used to analyze the distribution of the HMI tax benefit across states and to test for disproportionate distribution across states in benefit derived from the federal income tax deduction for home mortgage interest beyond that which is explained by income. This initial part of the study is also the precursor to a hierarchical analysis seeking to identify significant factors affecting the distribution of the benefit of the HMI deduction across states. The Ernst and Young/University of Michigan Individual Model File of 1992 tax returns is the primary data source for this initial part of the investigation. The second part of the analysis examines the effect of sets of factors in a causal hierarchy on the HMI deduction benefit. By first controlling for the effects of personal and identifiable state characteristics on HMI deduction benefit, the possible existence of a residual socio-political force is tested. The primary data sources for this part of the study are the 1990 Census of Population and Housing 5% Public Use Microsample as well as tax data extracted from the Statistics of Income, Individual Public Use Tax File, Level III Sample, as well as others. Ridge regression is used for hypothesis testing. Results indicate the existence of a significant difference in the benefit from home mortgage interest deduction across states holding income constant. This study also finds that a set of personal as well as a set of state market, legal and tax characteristics significantly influence the taxpayer's HMI deduction benefit, and that a residual difference in benefit across states after controlling for personal and identified state attributes. Future study should examine the source of residual across state differences (attributed to socio-political differences between states). Federal housing goals may be frustrated as the effective subsidy actually helps support higher home prices in areas where high housing costs may already be a barrier to potential new homeownership. The concepts and techniques applied in this study could easily be applied to other provisions of federal tax, or to any other tax system in a federation for that matter.

La citoyenneté européenne structure un nouveau type de communauté politique, plurielle, composée de nations organisées en États. D’essence fédérale, elle reflète le fédéralisme spécifique de l’Union européenne, dissocié d’un projet de construction nationale. Son édification repose sur la reconnaissance d’une valeur autonome aux deux citoyennetés dans l’Union, nationale et européenne, tant au niveau de sa définition comme source de droits individuels, que de son organisation comme principe de légitimité démocratique. Cette approche se vérifie dans la définition de la citoyenneté européenne comme statut qui admet un degré de différenciation entre les citoyens européens, fondé sur le respect de l’existence et de l’identité politique des peuples européens.Statut fondamental, source de droits individuels, la citoyenneté européenne l’est essentiellement sur un plan transnational. Sa fonction intégrative réside essentiellement dans l’effacement partiel des frontières physiques et symboliques des communautés nationales, par le renforcement de la résidence européenne et de l’égalité de traitement. Mais elle admet une différenciation au niveau du statut politique et social des citoyens européens sur un plan transnational, fondée sur le degré d’appartenance à la communauté nationale.Principe de légitimité de l’Union, la citoyenneté européenne l’est sans désigner l’appartenance à un demos européen souverain, dont l’unité résiderait dans un projet de construction nationale. Fondée à la fois sur l’individu-citoyen et sur les peuples des Etats membres, la démocratie européenne repose sur la définition de la citoyenneté européenne comme statut politique différencié, reflétant l’appartenance politique double des citoyens, à leurs Etats respectifs et à l’Union européenne. / EU Citizenship structures a new kind of political community, which is plural, composed of nation-states. Of federal essence, it reflects the particular federalism of the EU, which is independent from a nation-building project. Its construction is based on the recognition of an autonomous value of the two levels of citizenship in the EU, national and European, both in terms of its definition as a source of individual rights, and of its construction as a principle of democratic legitimacy. This approach is reflected in the definition of EU Citizenship as a status which allows a degree of differentiation between European citizens, based on the respect for the political existence and identity of European peoples.EU Citizenship is a fundamental status, source of individual rights, on a transnational level mainly. Its integrative function consists in the partial blurring of the physical and symbolic boundaries of the national communities, through the consolidation of residence and equal treatment rights. It admits however a differentiation in terms of political and social status of EU citizens on a transnational level, based on the degree of belonging to the national community.EU Citizenship is defined as a source of democratic legitimacy, without it designating membership in a European sovereign demos. European democracy is based on both the individual citizen and the European peoples, through the definition of EU Citizenship as a differentiated political status, reflecting the dual political affiliation of citizens, to their respective States and the European Union.

Depuis les débuts de l'ère moderne, la formule fédérale s'est imposée de par le monde comme un moyen institutionnel de gestion de la diversité sociale et politique. Le système fédéral figure comme modèle idoine de constitution d'un ordre juridique composé. En tant que doctrine politique, le fédéralisme pose la question des appartenances collectives dans des termes différents des modèles identitaires classiques. Il offre une vision ouverte et inclusive du phénomène identitaire et ouvre sur une coexistence d'identités complémentaires dans un cadre institutionnel équilibré.La construction européenne déroge depuis ses débuts avec les principes fondamentaux du fédéralisme mais constitue une expérience nouvelle de communauté composée à fort potentiel intégrateur du point de vue politique et identitaire.L'analyse parallèle et complémentaire du phénomène Europe dans ses manifestations historiques les plus notables et du système fédéral dans ses fondements éthiques et moraux permet de mettre au jour une homologie saisissante entre l'idée d'Europe et le modèle fédératif, révélant dans le même temps les rigidités des forma mentis contemporaines restreignant le processus de constitution concrète d'un ordre politique fédéral européen. / Since the beginning of the Modern Era, the federal formula has been advocated worldwide as the adequate institutional tool to deal with politic and social diversity. It appears as a suitable model for the constitution of a compound legal order. As a political doctrine, federalism raises the question of collective membership in rather divergent terms compared to the classical identity models. Federalism offers an open and inclusive vision of identity phenomenons and guides towards a balanced institutional framework guaranteeing the coexistence of complementary identities.From its start, the European construction derogates with the core principles of federalism, constituting nevertheless a new experience of a compound community endowed with a strong political and identity integration potential.The parallel and comprehensive analysis of the Europe phenomenon in its most remarkable historical manifestations and the ethic and moral basis of the federal system reveals a strong homology between the idea of Europe and the federative model, as well as the rigidities of contemporary forma mentis restraining the process for the constitution of an actual European federal order.

This PhD thesis seeks to establish a multi-layered definition of the principle of loyal cooperation in EU law in its current form. It focuses on four fundamental ways of describing this principle. The first one is a linguistic analysis of the term "principle of loyal cooperation" itself. The thesis looks at its equivalents in all official languages of the EU and applies various linguistic (etymology) and non-linguistic research tools and findings from the study of history, social psychology and philosophy to understand and delimit the principle of loyal cooperation in EU law. In a second step, the principle is examined at three separate levels. At the first level the situation and significance of the actors bound by loyalty is explored. At the second level the paper focuses on the differences between the principle of loyal cooperation, the way commitments are met in international public law, and the mechanisms of ensuring loyalty in countries with a federal structure. Lastly, the third level of analysis looks into the ways the principle of loyal cooperation and its operation vary according to the area of competence. Keywords: principle of sincere cooperation, European Union law, theory of federalism, European studies

Esta tese tem como objetivo averiguar se políticas de cooperação intergovernamentais, tais como consórcios e Arranjos de Desenvolvimento da Educação (ADEs), se constituem como mecanismos de equalização de condições de oferta e resultados educacionais nos municípios brasileiros. Em 2011, 35% dos municípios do país integravam algum destes arranjos de cooperação intergovernamental, contemplando quase metade da população brasileira. A pesquisa foi constituída em três fases, sendo que as duas primeiras possuíam os objetivos, respectivamente, de construir um panorama da participação municipal em arranjos de cooperação intergovernamental, e de verificar a influência da participação dos municípios nos diferentes arranjos em relação às variáveis educacionais selecionadas. Para tanto, nestas fases da pesquisa foram analisadas as capacidades estatais e resultados educacionais de municípios em situação socioeconômicas semelhante, porém com a diferença de comporem uma ou mais formas de cooperativismo intergovernamental, com base nos dados de 2011. A terceira fase da pesquisa partiu de indícios, observados nas fases anteriores, de que os municípios integrantes do ADE do Vale do Jequitinhonha apresentavam melhores resultados educacionais do que os demais municípios em situação socioeconômica e demográfica semelhantes, e buscou investigar se tais indícios poderiam estar vinculados à participação dos municípios neste arranjo, através de um estudo longitudinal que abarcou o período entre 2007 e 2015. Nas três fases da pesquisa foram utilizadas técnicas da estatística descritiva e de análise multivariada, como regressões e constituição de agrupamentos de municípios, de forma a minimizar o efeito das variáveis associadas a aspectos socioeconômicos e demográficos. Os resultados da análise descritiva foram muito semelhantes à análise inferencial: para a maior parte das variáveis examinadas capacidade estatal, condições de oferta e resultados educacionais a variação mais significativa se deu entre os agrupamentos de municípios com perfil socioeconômico e demográfico semelhantes, do que segundo o tipo de cooperação intergovernamental estabelecido, reiterando a relevância das condições socioeconômicas nas condições de atendimento e dados educacionais. Com relação à análise longitudinal, a partir do caso do ADE do Vale do Jequitinhonha, verificou-se uma melhoria significativa no IDEB ao longo do período observado e uma redução na desigualdade de resultados entre os municípios do referido ADE. No entanto, apesar de o comportamento dos municípios que integravam o ADE ter sido muito superior ao dos municípios brasileiros em geral, e também dos municípios brasileiros que integravam arranjos de cooperação intergovernamental em 2011, este foi bastante semelhante ao dos municípios dos respectivos agrupamentos socioeconômicos do estado de Minas Gerais. Os dados apresentados retratam a situação dos municípios integrantes de consórcios e Arranjos de Desenvolvimento da Educação e reiteram análises realizadas sobre bons resultados dos municípios de Minas Gerais em relação aos demais municípios brasileiros. Com relação à hipótese da pesquisa, seus resultados demonstram que tais mecanismos de cooperação intergovernamentais, no formato como estão atualmente estruturados, não tem contribuido para a redução da desigualdade de atendimento, oferta e resultados educacionais entre os municípios brasileiros. / This thesis aims to investigate whether intergovernmental cooperation policies, such as public consortia and Education Development Arrangements (ADEs), constitute mechanisms for equalization of educational provision and outcomes in Brazilian municipalities. In 2011, 35% of the country\'s municipalities were part of some kind of intergovernmental cooperation arrangement, encompassing almost half of Brazilian population. The research was conducted in three phases. The first two had the objectives, respectively, of building a panorama of municipal participation in intergovernmental cooperation arrangements, and examining the influence of municipal participation in different types of intergovernamental cooperation related to the selected educational variables. Therefore, in these phases of the research, the state capacities and educational results of municipalities in similar socioeconomic situation were analyzed, but with the difference of composing one or more forms of intergovernmental cooperation, based on 2011s data. The third phase of the research was based on evidence from previous phases that the municipalities that are members of the ADE do Vale do Jequitinhonha showed better educational results than the other municipalities in similar socioeconomic and demographic situations, and sought to investigate whether such evidence could be linked to the municipal participation in this arrangement, through a longitudinal study that covered the period between 2007 and 2015. In the three phases of the research, descriptive statistics and multivariate analysis techniques were used, such as regressions and the constitution of clusters of municipalities, in order to minimize the effect of associated variables such as socioeconomic and demographic aspects. The results of the descriptive analysis were very similar to the inferential analysis: for most of the examined variables state capacity, offered conditions and educational outcomes the most significant variation occurred among groups of municipalities with similar socioeconomic and demographic profile than according to the type of intergovernmental cooperation established, reiterating the relevance of socioeconomic conditions in terms of service and educational data. Regarding to the longitudinal analysis, related to the case of the ADE do Vale do Jequitinhonha, there was a significant improvement in the IDEB over the observed period and a reduction in the inequality of results among the member municipalities. However, although the behavior of the member municipalities of the ADE was much higher than that of the Brazilian municipalities in general, and also of the Brazilian municipalities that integrated intergovernmental cooperation arrangements in 2011, this was very similar to the municipalities of the state of Minas Gerais, from the same socioeconomic groups. The data presented the situation of member municipalities of public consortia and Education Development Arrangements, and reiterate the analisis about the good results of Minas Gerais municipalities in relation to other Brazilian municipalities. In relation to the initial hypothesis of this research, its results demonstrate that such intergovernmental cooperation arrangements, as they are currently structured, have not contributed to the reduction of the inequalities regarding educational conditions and indicators among Brazilian municipalities.

A educação como catalizadora do desenvolvimento humano e econômico é uma ideia já enraizada na maioria das culturas contemporâneas. Todavia, compreender como ela influencia esse desenvolvimento e identificar os fatores influenciadores desse processo ainda é um desafio para os pesquisadores das mais distintas áreas que se interessam pelo tema, sobretudo quando se trata da educação direcionada às minorias. Neste contexto, no Brasil, destaca-se a população do campo que, por muito tempo, não recebeu os devidos olhares. Contudo, avanços são observados, sobretudo, a partir da Constituição de 1988, que possibilitou o surgimento e a evolução das políticas públicas e gestão da educação, incluindo a Educação do Campo. Como forma de contribuir com a evolução dessas políticas, este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o perfil socioeconômico e o desempenho das escolas públicas brasileiras que ofertam a educação fundamental (5º e 9º anos) em zonas rurais, ao compará-las com escolas localizadas em zonas urbanas, considerando as Unidades da Federação (UF) e a dependência administrativa (estadual e municipal) como fatores de análise. Os dados utilizados nesta pesquisa são provenientes das bases de dados do INEP: dados da Prova Brasil, Censo Escolar, IDEB e fluxo escolar do ano de 2011. Após a obtenção das bases de dados, estas foram processadas e ajustadas para a realização das análises. Como medida de desempenho, utilizou-se a relação idade-série que permite avaliar a defasagem idade/série, as notas em Matemática e Língua Portuguesa da Prova Brasil, a taxa de aprovação e a taxa de evasão das escolas, e, em alguns casos, o IDEB. Para este trabalho, construiu-se um indicador socioeconômico a partir das respostas dadas pelos alunos ao questionário socioeconômico aplicado juntamente com a Prova Brasil e que está relacionado à posse de bens, ao acesso à cultura, à escolaridade dos pais, entre outros. Construiu-se também um indicador do nível de ruralidade das escolas/anos, obtido a partir da relação entre a proporção de alunos residentes em zonas rurais e a quantidade total de alunos matriculados no ano. Após a construção da base de dados e da definição de indicadores de avaliação, procedeu-se à análise estatística dos dados valendo-se da estatística descritiva, análise de correlação e análise de agrupamento (cluster) para formação de grupos homogêneos de escolas. Os resultados, tanto para o 5º quanto para o 9º ano, evidenciam o pior desempenho das escolas rurais em relação às urbanas, bem como o pior desempenho das escolas municipais em relação às estaduais. Além disso, à medida que aumenta o índice de ruralidade das escolas urbanas (turmas mistas), piora o desempenho destas; nesses termos, os resultados parecem legitimar a centralização das políticas públicas para a educação básica pelo governo federal como forma de assegurar a qualidade e a equidade do ensino, já que a descentralização por si só não tem garantido, principalmente no campo. / Education as a catalyst for human and economic development is an idea ingrained in most contemporary cultures. However, to understand how it influences this development and to identify the factors influencing this process is still a challenge for researchers from different areas who are interested in the subject, especially when it comes to education for minorities. In this context, in Brazil, the rural population has not received proper attention for a long time. However, advances are observed, mainly from the 1988 Constitution that enabled the emergence and evolution of public policies and education management, including education in rural areas. As a contribution to the evolution of these policies, this study aims at analyzing the socio-economic profile and performance of Brazilian public schools that offer Fundamental Education (Primary and Middle Education, 5th and 9th grades in Brazil) in rural areas, comparing them to schools located in urban areas, considering Federation Units (UF) and administrative responsibility (state and cities) as analytical factors. Data used in this research are derived from INEP databases, namely data from \"Prova Brazil\", school census, IDEB and school flow of 2011. Data were processed and adjusted and then analyzed. As performance measure the following factors were used: age-grade relationship for assessing the age versus grade delay; grades obtained in Mathematics and Portuguese at \"Prova Brazil\"; the approval rate and the dropout rate in schools; and in some cases, IDEB. For this study, a socioeconomic indicator was developed from the answers given by the students to the socioeconomic questionnaire at \"Prova Brazil\", including questions related to asset ownership, access to culture, parental education, among others. An indicator of the level of rurality of schools/years was also developed from the relationship between the proportion of students living in rural areas and the total number of students enrolled in the year. Once the database and the evaluation indicators were defined, the statistical analysis was developed, using descriptive statistics, correlation analysis and cluster analysis to getter and to analyze homogeneous groups of schools. Results for both 5th and 9th grades (Primary and Middle Education) show worse performances of rural schools compared to urban schools and also worse performance of city schools compared to state schools and as the degree of rurality of urban schools (mixed classes) increases, the performance worsens. Results seem to justify the centralization of public policies for Basic Education by the Federal Government in order to ensure the quality and equity of education, since the decentralization alone has not guaranteed it yet, especially in rural areas.

Este trabalho analisa o processo de ordenamento fiscal que ocorreu no Brasil, na década de 1990, abordando especificamente o processo de criação da Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal (LRF). Alguns autores na Ciência Política argumentam que os projetos de lei votados no Congresso que afetam os interesses dos governadores não passam porque os governadores mobilizam suas respectivas bancadas estaduais para vetá-los. Assim, como podemos entender a aprovação da Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, lei complementar que afeta diretamente os interesses financeiros e fiscais dos entes federativos. Alguns autores argumentam que houve um consenso em torno da necessidade do ordenamento fiscal, na década de 1990, destacando o processo de incrementalismo das mudanças institucionais, o desenvolvimento de uma \"cultura fiscalista\"que vira consenso na opinião pública e na classe política e, as crises financeiras internacionais (México, 1995; Ásia, 1997 e Rússia, 1998) que colocaram em xeque a capacidade de reação do governo diante das ameaças à política econômica de estabilização. Este trabalho alinha-se com os que desenvolvem esses argumentos, mas enfatiza o processo de negociação, ou seja, a existência de um dissenso dentro do consenso, que caracterizou o processo de criação da LRF. Argumentamos que, a despeito da existência de um consenso em torno da idéia de promover um ordenamento fiscal, a criação e a aprovação da LRF caracterizaram-se por conflitos dentro do governo e por um processo de intensa negociação parlamentar. / The aim of this work is to investigate the Brazilian process of fiscal ordering in the 1990s. More specifically, it focuses on the creation process of Fiscal Responsibility Law. Its point of departure is some political scientists vision that legislative projects undermining the subnational governments interests are not often approved due to State governors efforts to veto them. The hypothesis is that this phenomenon happens because governors exert stronger influence on the behavior of legislators than the President and political parties. For this reason, they assume that governors are veto-players in the Brazilian political system. This is an important component of our research strategy that seeks to explain why Fiscal Responsibility Law was approved despite of the key players financial and fiscal interests. The novelty of this work is to provide an approach that unveils a little explored explanatory element by previous works: the process of negotiation of the law project in the Federal Executive and in the Federal Legislative. In tune with some authors claims that there was a consensus on the necessity of fiscal ordering, we scrutinize the incremental process of institutional change and the development of a \"fiscal culture\" in the Brazilian society and its political class. We go on to suggest that international financial international crisis (México, 1995; Ásia, 1997 e Rússia, 1998) served as tests of the government\'s capacity to deal with the challenges posed to the economic stabilization policies. Furthermore, the current work gives special attention to addressing the process of negotiation that gave rise to the Fiscal Responsibility Law. We argue that the whole process was characterized by the existence of a dissension inside of consensus. Putting somewhat different, conflicts in the Federal Executive realm and complex negotiation schemes at the Federal Legislative level characterize the creation and the approbation stages of Fiscal Responsibility Law in Brazil.

O Governo federal prioriza seus aliados locais na provisão de recursos públicos? Utilizando dados do Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil - programa do Ministério da Saúde que visa a provisão de saúde básica e o aumento da densidade médica nos municípios brasileiros -, esta dissertação estima o impacto do alinhamento partidário entre governos federal e municipal sobre os indicadores de médicos transferidos e de probabilidade de participação dos municípios no programa. São testadas ainda a existência de punição a municípios governados por partidos de oposição e efeitos diferenciados do alinhamento partidário para subamostras de municípios. Os resultados sugerem que não há privilégio aos municípios governados pelo partido do Governo Federal nem punição aos governados pela oposição. As evidências sinalizam também uma má focalização do programa e a existência de efeito do alinhamento partidário sobre a participação municipal no programa entre municípios governados por prefeitos em segundo mandato. / Does the federal government prioritize its local\'s allies on the provision of public resources? Using data of the Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil - an ongoing program from the Brazilian Ministry of Health that targets the provision of basic health services and the increase of the physicians per capita rate by transferring professionals to the Brazilian municipalities -, this dissertation assesses the impact of the political alignment between federal and local governments on the number of physicians transferred to municipalities and the municipalities\' probability of participation. The results suggest that the current federal government does not prioritize same-party municipalities nor penalizes the ones governed by the opposition parties. Evidence also indicate poor targeting of the program and the existence of party alignment effect on municipal participation among municipalities governed by second term mayors.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo testar a proposição de Stepan (1999) a respeito da sobre-representação dos estados menos populosos no Congresso Nacional. Segundo o autor, a sobre-representação permite que os parlamentares dos estados menos populosos se unam para vetar reformas que são contrárias a seus interesses. Para testar a proposição de Stepan, escolhemos como objeto de estudo a reedição da Lei de Informática (Lei no 8.248, de 23 de outubro de 1991) em dois momentos: no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) - Lei no 10.176/2001 - e no governo Lula - Lei no 11.077/2004. A análise compreende a tramitação das leis, desde a proposição encaminhada pelo Executivo federal até a sanção presidencial ao texto final, além de buscar compreender como o tema entrou na pauta dos governos FHC e Lula. A tramitação da Lei de Informática nesses dois momentos foi pautada por questões regionais que opuseram a bancada do Amazonas, contrária a aspectos da lei, e a bancada de São Paulo, que mais tinha interesse na renovação do benefício fiscal concedido pela lei. O resultado, de modo geral, foi desfavorável à bancada do Amazonas, que não conseguiu formar um grupo capaz de defender seus interesses. Portanto, não conseguimos confirmar a proposição de Stepan. / This essay aimed to test Stepan\'s proposition (1999) on overrepresentation of less populous Brazilian states in the Congress. According to the author, this overrepresentation allows congressmen from less populous states to gather in order to block reforms which go against their interests. So as to test Stepan\'s proposition, we have chosen as case study the republishing of the \"Law of Informatics\" (Law 8.248, October 23rd, 1991) in two moments: under Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) Presidency (Law 10.176/2001) and under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva Presidency (Law 11.077/2004). The analysis comprehends the full transit of the bill, from Executive proposal through governmental sanction, and attempts to understand the way this issue came into object of attention both under FHC and Lula. The transit of the \"Law of Informatics\" within these two moments was guided by regional issues which opposed congressmen from de state of Amazonas, who were against some aspects of the law, and the ones from São Paulo, who were more interested in renovating the fiscal benefits granted by the law. The aftermath was unfavorable to Amazonas\'s congressmen, who were not able to make up a group capable of defending their interests. Thus, we did not manage to confirm Stepan\'s proposition.