Comparison of constitutional judiciary in the first Czechoslovak Republic and current constitutional judiciary The aim of the thesis is a comparative analysis of the constitutional judiciary in the first Czechoslovak Republic and the today's Czech Republic. Each chapter is structured to describe the institution of the Constitutional Court which has been representing the most important protection of constitutional values. The research design of the thesis is explained in the chapter "Methodology". It serves for better orientation and understanding of the diploma thesis. The paper is divided in eight chapters. Introduction describes the basic concepts of the Constitutional Court and the author's hypothesis about the results of the analysis which outline large differences between the two Republics. Following chapters compares the two Constitutional Courts in terms of organizational structure (internal structure, budget, seat), the appointment mechanisms of the judiciary (conditions, process). It also offers the list of powers of the Constitutional Court and it describes the constitutional practices of constitutional judges within each historical period. The work also includes a brief historical summary that discusses the genesis of the idea of constitutional justice and the sources that inspired Czech...

The transformation of the role of the judiciary in the 20th and 21st centuries Abstract This work is about the fundamental questions of law, judges, society, and liberal democracy from theoretical social perspective. This study is mainly from the fields of state science and political philosophy. Due to the complexity of the topic, I decided to devote the first chapter to the philosophical starting points. The second and third chapters deal with the role of the courts as political actors. To a large extent, I deal with the criticism of this phenomenon. Important sections are those on the essence of democracy, policies and the role of experts in the process of governance. Equally important is the critical view of human rights inflation in modern societies. In the last chapter, I focus on the various forms of doctrine of judicial restraint, which I see as a realistic solution to the outlined problems. Frequently, the argumentation for criticizing the Judicial Restraint is the creation of a cartoons and its subsequent majestic defeat. I think that this approach is not fair, because in my opinion the judicial restraint can be debated objectively without prejudices and without a priori rejection. Meaningful division of roles in the state is as important as the division of power. The division of power is...

1 Abstract The aim of this thesis is to explore the institute of administrative judiciary in the Czech Republic and the Republic of Poland using the comparative method. Its purpose lies in proving traditional similarity of administrative judiciary in both countries which potentially allows mutual influencing in different areas of legislation, application of law and jurisprudence. The work is divided into nine parts. In Chapter 1 of this thesis the author focuses on defining the concept of administrative judiciary, how it is comprehended in both analysed countries, its purpose and function. In this part administrative judiciary is distinguished from other forms of judicial reviews of public administration and it is outlined here which of these forms cannot be considered as a part of administrative judiciary. Administrative judiciary is formally characterized as judicial procedure (in technical meaning) whose purpose lies in the control over public administration and protection of civil rights. In Chapter 2 the author describes the development of administrative judiciary in both countries. A special significance in this matter is given to the Austrian tradition of administrative judiciary that was adapted by Czechoslovakia and Poland when both sovereign states came into existence on the territory of the...

This theses deals with analysis of cases that were held mainly before the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Administrative Court of the Czech Republic with regard to the election process and political parties. It focuses mainly on the analysis of topics that are often criticised by small political parties as harmful to the free and fair election process. Specifically, these topics include election threshold, setting electoral districts, methods for allocating seats, subsidising political parties from the national budget, financial restrictions on candidacy, and access to media. The thesis briefly summarizes relevant theoretical premises, which is followed be presenting the bases of criticism of the specific institutes, and finally the courts' opinions are analysed as well. With each of the institute, the main goal of the theses is to show how the courts interpret them. Specifically, it focuses on finding a line between what courts still deem acceptable, and what is perceived by them as too damaging to the fair and free election process.

[pt] O presente estudo é dividido em três partes. A primeira examina a família e a legislação, sobretudo a partir da Constituição de 1988. A segunda faz um retrato das Varas de Família do Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, restringindo-se às que compõem o Forum Central da Comarca da Capital, explorando dados estatísticos visando o contraste entre o ideal e o real. A terceira identifica situações-problemas intrafamiliares e processuais, especialmente para os segmentos sociais carentes. Escolheu-se o trabalho do Núcleo de Prática Jurídica da PUC/Rio, local onde se atua e percebe as dificuldades da interação família/justiça social/ação do Estado. As informações foram colhidas a partir de 2003, entrada em vigor do Novo Código Civil, até 2005. Deu- se cunho interdisciplinar para buscar, na análise de direitos e deveres, os caminhos da dignidade humana na transformação dos vínculos familiares no Judiciário, bem como a possibilidade do Judiciário fortalecer a família, mesmo diante do litígio. O diálogo com o Serviço Social enriqueceu a pesquisa, permitindo um olhar livre da visão estritamente legalista, situando a questão em sua dimensão social. Sugere-se a perspectiva da dignidade humana, base doutrinária da Constituição do Brasil, como necessária à análise das relações do cidadão com o Judiciário, para sugerir uma nova prestação jurisdicional preparada para as multifacetadas questões familiares, harmonizando e prevenindo os conflitos entre as pessoas, protegendo os direitos da pessoa e a cidadania. / [en] Present study comprises three parts. The first analyzes the family and legislation compromises, chiefly since the 1988 Constitution. The second portrays the Courts of Family Justice of Rio de Janeiro Capital Judicial District, exploring statistic data, the contrast between ideal and real. The third identifies intrafamiliar and procedural situations-problem, especially in the destitute social segments. The Núcleo de Prática Jurídica - NPJ work of PUC/Rio was selected, as this is a place that deals with and perceives family/social justice/state action interaction difficulties, restricted to the eighteen Family Justice Courts that comprise the Central Court of Rio de Janeiro State Supreme Court. The information has been collected as of 2003, when the New Civil Code became effective, through 2005. Interdisciplinary means were adopted to seek, in the rights and obligations analysis, the human dignity paths in the transformation of familiar links in the Judiciary, as well as the possibility of the Judiciary strengthening the family even in case of a litigation. The dialog with the Social Assistance Service contributed to the research, permitting a glance free of the strictly legalist vision, placing the question in its social dimension. It is suggested the perspective of human dignity, basic principles of Brazil`s Constitution, as necessary for the analysis of the citizen`s relation (individually or as part of a familiar group) with the Judiciary to suggest a new jurisdictional consideration prepared for the multifaceted familiar questions that enter the Judiciary, harmonizing and preventing the conflicts between the persons, protecting person`s right and citizenship rights.

Após a promulgação da Constituição de 1988, o Supremo Tribunal Federal passou a integrar a vida cotidiana da população, por meio das diversas informações sobre seus julgamentos, os quais envolvem, cada vez mais, questões políticas, com impacto sobre a vida dos cidadãos. Essa atuação da Corte tem despertado algumas críticas, relacionadas principalmente à sua legitimidade democrática para decidir sobre assuntos políticos e a uma suposta violação do princípio da separação de Poderes. Esse debate está inserido no contexto mais amplo de protagonismo do Poder Judiciário brasileiro no século XXI, expressado principalmente pela expansão da jurisdição constitucional, o que, por sua vez, se deve à consolidação do sistema de controle de constitucionalidade e a uma nova interpretação constitucional. Com efeito, a Constituição de 1988 expandiu as competências do Supremo, incitando o exercício de sua função política. As críticas feitas à Corte em razão de sua atuação com relação a questões políticas estão relacionadas a dois fenômenos, a judicialização da política e o ativismo judicial, sendo este considerado por parte da doutrina como uma indevida interferência do Poder Judiciário no âmbito de atuação dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo. Casos como o reconhecimento da união estável homoafetiva foram considerados expressão desse ativismo. No entanto, é possível abordar o assunto da legitimidade democrática da Corte e da separação de Poderes de forma diferente, mais flexível. As teorias do diálogo, nessa medida, apresentam uma nova proposta de interação entre o Supremo Tribunal Federal e o Poder Legislativo, conferindo compreensão mais atual da democracia e da separação de Poderes. Isso porque prescinde da opção de predomínio do Legislativo ou do Judiciário em dar a última palavra sobre a constitucionalidade de leis e atos normativos. Desse modo, este trabalho visa a demonstrar, que há de se procurar saídas à rígida estrutura da Teoria da Separação de Poderes de Montesquieu, a fim de que a Constituição possa ser concretizada mediante uma efetiva colaboração dos Poderes. / After the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988, Brazilian Supreme Court became part of everyday life of the population due to the various information about its trials, which involve, increasingly, political issues that impact the life of Brazilian population. Such performance of the Court has aroused some criticism, mainly related to its democratic legitimacy to decide on political affairs and to the violation of the principle of the separation of Powers. This debate is embedded in the broader context of the Brazilian Judiciary protagonism in the XXI Century, specially expressed by the expansion of constitutional jurisdiction, which is due to the consolidation of the judicial review system and a \"new\" constitutional interpretation. Indeed, Constitution of 1988 expanded the powers of the Supreme Court, urging the exercise of its political function. The criticisms addressed to the Court by reason of its performance with respect to policy issues are related to two phenomena: the \"judicialization of politics\" and \"judicial activism\", which are considered by the doctrine as an undue interference by the Judiciary on the performance of the Legislative and Executive branches. Cases such as the recognition of homo-affective union were considered stable expression of activism. However, it is possible to approach more flexibly the issue of democratic legitimacy of the Court and of the separation of powers more flexibly. Theories of dialogue present a new proposal for interaction between the Supreme Court and the legislature, giving more current understanding of democracy and separation of powers. It reveals an alternative to waive predominance of the Legislature or the Judiciary to give the \"last decision\" on the constitutionality of laws and normative acts. Thus, this study aims to demonstrate, there to seek outlets to the rigid structure of Montesquieus Separation of Powers, so that the Constitution can be achieved through effective collaboration of Powers.

A legalização de direitos dos povos indígenas não tem obstado práticas colonialistas justificadas por discurso hegemônico de origem moderna e eurocêntrica. Em tal contexto, o presente trabalho desenvolve estudo interdisciplinar que relaciona a incidência do mencionado discurso sobre a mobilização pela implementação do direito à demarcação da Terra Indígena Tupinambá de Olivença. Por se tratar de discurso do poder, considera os dois elementos que o compõem: o subjetivo (o consenso à dominação) e o objetivo (o uso da força quando não obtido o consenso). Diante da midiatização e da judicialização sobre a mobilização Tupinambá, o trabalho analisa, especificamente, o discurso manifestado pelos meios de comunicação de massa (a representarem o elemento subjetivo do poder) e pelos membros do Judiciário (a representarem o elemento objetivo do poder). Adota a metodologia da Análise Crítica do Discurso. A pesquisa constata intensa semelhança envolvendo os discursos da mídia e do Judiciário. Percebe, em ambos, os elementos que historicamente compõem as falas e escritos da modernidade eurocêntrica: a defesa incondicionada da propriedade individual e o dualismo evolucionista a caracterizar os povos indígenas como viventes em sociedades estáticas. / The legalization of indigenous peoples rights has not prevented colonialist practices justified by a hegemonic discourse based on a Modern and Eurocentric perspective. In this context, the present work features an indisciplinary study that relates the incidence of this discourse on the mobilization for implementation of the reservation rights of Indigenous Land Tupinambá de Olivença. As a result of being a discurse of power, the study considers its two elements: the subjective (the consensus to domination) and the objetive (the use of force when the consensus is not obtained). On the context of mediatization and judicialization of Tupinambá mobilization, the work examines the discourse expressed by mass media (to represent the subjective element of power) and by members of the judiciary (to represent the objective element of power). It adopts the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology. The research finds an intense resemblance between the discourses of the mass media and of the judiciary. In both discourses, it notices the presence of the elements that historically make up the speeches and writings of Eurocentric modernity: the unconditional defense of the individual property and the evolutionary dualism to characterize the indigenous people as living in static societies.

Thesis advisor: Alan Rogers / Thesis advisor: Brendan McConville / The Massachusetts Constitution is the oldest active constitution in the world — it has been in effect for 228 years. While the state has amended the original document many times since its passage, its essential provisions, which have remained largely unaltered, are undoubtedly the work of a single man — John Adams. John Adams, routinely neglected among scholars, is essential to the development of American political thought. The purpose of this study is to put a magnifying glass on two important aspects of John Adams's life and give them the detailed study that they deserve: his legal career and its impact on the Massachusetts Constitution. The link between his legal career and his political theory is crucial to understanding that document. To write about John Adams's political thought without understanding the two-decade long legal career that drove so much of it leaves one with only a shallow understanding of how that thought developed. It was through the study of numerous legal authors along with his reflection and experiences as an attorney that Adams came to understand how vital the law was for a nation. Indeed, for Adams, law was the basis for good government itself, "to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of men." / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: History Honors Program. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

En vertu du principe de séparation des autorités, la répartition de compétence entre le juge administratif et le juge judiciaire se base sur la nature des matières en cause. Si les matières visées concernent le droit public, c'est la juridiction administrative qui est compétente. En revanche, le juge judiciaire serait compétent en cas où le litige en cause est lié à une matière de droit privé. Toutefois, ce principe n'est pas absolu. La jurisprudence française ainsi que libanaise, admet qu'il existe des cas où le juge judiciaire serait compétent en matière administrative, au motif, entre autres, d'une bonne administration de la justice. Cette compétence judiciaire peut être par nature lorsque le litige concerne des droits liés à la personne comme par exemple en cas d'atteinte à la propriété privée ou à une liberté individuelle, ou encore s'il s'agit d'un litige relatif à l'état des personnes. Cette compétence serait par accessoire lorsqu'on est en présence d'une matière où le juge administratif est principalement compétent et la compétence du juge judiciaire n'existe qu'exceptionnellement. C'est le cas par excellence des services publics à gestion privée, comme les services publics industriels et commerciaux, où il y a une grande marge de compétence attribuée au juge judiciaire. Le juge judiciaire aura également compétence dans les litiges relatifs à la gestion du domaine privé de l'Administration, où cette dernière se comporte comme un simple particulier gérant sa propriété. Cette compétence judiciaire par accessoire trouve son apogée dans le cas où le juge judiciaire interprète et apprécie lui-même la légalité des actes administratifs. Cette compétence du juge judiciaire en matière administrative n'est pas uniquement l'œuvre de la jurisprudence. Le législateur intervient parfois pour octroyer compétence à la juridiction judiciaire dans des matières qui devraient normalement relever de la compétence du juge administratif. Si cette compétence est, dans la plupart des cas, justifiée par un souci de bonne administration de la justice, il existe des cas où il n'y a aucune raison juridique ni légale de ne pas attribuer compétence au juge administratif, qui est le juge naturel en matière administrative. / In regard to the principle of separation of powers, the distribution of competences between the administrative and the ordinary courts is based on the nature of the litigations. If the matter concerns the public law, the administrative court is competent. Whereas the ordinary court would have jurisdiction whenever the litigation in question is related to a matter of private law. However, this principle is not absolute. The French and Lebanese laws admit that there are cases where the judicial court would have competence in administrative litigations. This jurisdiction may be by nature when the litigation is related to infringement of private rights or individual liberty when the litigation concerns the personal status. The competence of the civil judge can also be by accessory when it's basically the competence of the administrative judge but is given exceptionally to the judicial judge. This is the case of public utilities managed by private management such as industrial and commercial utilities or concerning the litigation related to the management of the private domain of the government who behaves like a normal person. This judicial competence is at its height when the judicial judge interprets and appreciates by himself the legality of the administrative acts. The competence of the judicial judge in administrative acts is not only the result of the jurisprudence since the legislator interferes in many cases and grants competence to judicial judge in litigations that fall normally under the competence of administrative judge. If this competence is in most cases justified by the concern of good administration of justice, there are cases where there is no judicial nor legal reason for not granting competence to administrative judge who is the normal judge in administrative matters.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FERNANDA RODRIGUES PIRES DE MORAES.pdf: 1004869 bytes, checksum: 553cd0c23206ad3e72b8aab367887e55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-10 / This paper will address bullying in labor relations of the judiciary. Although the moral violence in the workplace is an ancient practice and part of human nature, only in recent decades has been identified as a phenomenon to be fought, to cause physical and psychological strain, by causing damage to the dignity and worker s personality. During the work, we will demonstrate that the analysis of bullying in the judiciary requires consideration of political and social changes brought about by liberalism, globalization and neoliberalism in the organization of work, which had repercussions in labor relations and the treatment of the worker, especially the Judiciary, today. Indeed, we will address that points such changes in the working world reflected or not, directly or indirectly, in relations between the judiciary (through their hierarchies) and their servants, their contributions to the situations of moral violence perpetrated in the administration of that state power. Moreover, this work will indicate, among other things, public service peculiarities that contribute to the perpetration and perpetuation of moral terror. / O presente trabalho abordará o assédio moral nas relações de trabalho do Poder Judiciário. Embora a violência moral no ambiente de trabalho seja uma prática antiga e faça parte da natureza humana, somente nas últimas décadas foi identificado como um fenômeno a ser combatido, por provocar desgaste físico e psicológico, ao causar dano à dignidade e à personalidade do trabalhador. Durante o trabalho, demonstraremos que a análise do assédio moral no Poder Judiciário pressupõe o exame das mudanças políticas e sociais introduzidas pelo liberalismo, a globalização e o neoliberalismo na organização do trabalho, que repercutiram nas relações de trabalho e no tratamento dispensado ao trabalhador, especialmente, os do Judiciário, da atualidade. Com efeito, abordaremos em que pontos tais alterações no mundo do trabalho refletiram ou não, direta ou indiretamente, no âmbito das relações entre o Poder Judiciário (por meio de suas hierarquias) e seus servidores, as suas contribuições para as situações de violência moral perpetradas no âmbito da administração daquele poder do Estado. Ademais, indicaremos nesta obra, dentre outros aspectos, as peculiaridades do serviço público que contribuem para a prática e perpetuação do terror moral.