A la fin de la Guerre froide, la promotion de la démocratie s’est consolidée en tant que thème au-delà des frontières nationales, ce qui impliqua de revoir les paradigmes traditionnels des relations internationales et engendra de profondes controverses. Le contenu de ce que l’on nomme démocratie est ainsi formé de positionnements idéologiques différents, voire parfois opposés, entre les acteurs internationaux. Dans la société internationale, la conception spécifique de démocratie libérale représentative prévaut néanmoins en tant que produit politique occidental. En Amérique latine, un locus construit sur la base de paramètres politiques représentés par des catégories qui ne lui sont pas nécessairement propres. Cette discussion prend ainsi des contours très particuliers du fait de la construction historique de la région et de la superposition des accords et arrangements multilatéraux régionaux. Ces arrangements – OEA, Mercosur, Unasur, SICA, CAN et ALBA – créèrent, tout au long des années 90, des cadres normatifs qui traitent du régime politique de leurs États membres. L’Amérique latine possède ainsi un ensemble très dense de directives établi par l’adoption de normes concrètes qui mettent en œuvre cet impératif lorsque des crises politiques surviennent dans des pays de cette région. Le contenu de ce corps normatif varie selon l’arrangement analysé, le type de crise auquel il faut faire face et le gouvernement qui fait l’objet des mesures proposées. La complexité de la scène politique régionale se reflète ainsi dans le phénomène de promotion de la démocratie. / With the end of the Cold War, the promotion of democracy has established itself as a theme beyond national boundaries, implying a review of traditional paradigms of international relations and leading to deep controversy. This is a consequence of the fact that the content of what is named as democracy is filled from ideological positions that differ, sometimes vastly, among international actors. Nevertheless, it still prevails in international society a specific conception of democracy, namely, the representative liberal, product of Western political development. In Latin America, locus that is built having as political parameters categories that were necessarily created locally, this discussion gets very specific contours due to both the historical construction of the region and to the existence of overlapping regional multilateral arrangements. These arrangements - OAS, Mercosur, Unasur, SICA, CAN and ALBA - created, throughout the 1990s, regulatory frameworks to deal with the political system of its member states. As a result, Latin America has a dense set of guidelines established with the adoption of general rules, which relate to the need to maintain democratic regimes, and specific rules, that operationalize this imperative when political crises hit the region. The content of this regulatory framework varies depending on the arrangement analyzed, the crisis type and the government object to the measures proposed, reflecting, in the phenomenon of promotion of democracy, the complexity of the regional political scene.

O desempenho econômico da região América Latina e Caribe tem se caracterizado pelo baixo crescimento da renda per capita nas últimas décadas e pela elevada volatilidade, afastando-se da convergência de renda em relação aos países mais desenvolvidos. Abordagens teóricas e empíricas desenvolvimentistas evidenciam a incapacidade da região em transformar suas estruturas produtiva e exportadora para setores e produtos mais dinâmicos no mercado internacional e de maior sofisticação tecnológica adaptadas às especificidades da região. A especialização externa da América Latina e do Caribe caracteriza-se pelo processo de “primarização”, pela perda de participação no comércio mundial e pelo baixo valor agregado, conteúdo tecnológico, qualidade e enraizamento interno de suas exportações, interferindo no desenvolvimento de capacidades e no aproveitamento de suas potencialidades para gerar maiores salários, ocupação e renda, induzidas pelo comércio exterior. Em uma perspectiva de dinâmica produtiva das cadeias do agronegócio em integrar diversos setores e agentes e no elevado potencial de diversificar e sofisticar a estrutura exportadora da região com base nesses produtos, o estudo tem por objetivo investigar a evolução da estrutura exportadora quanto ao desempenho e o nível de sofisticação das cestas de produtos do agronegócio para os países latino-americanos e caribenhos e os efeitos multiplicadores sobre o crescimento futuro da região e na geração de renda agrícola, produto e ocupação, ao longo do período 1992 a 2009. Os procedimentos metodológicos para a consecução dos objetivos conjugam a técnica retrospectiva temporal de pesquisa bibliográfica, para investigar as relações pertinentes ao nexo de causalidade dos fenômenos sobre as características e limitações dos países da região em transformar e diversificar a sua pauta exportadora, e o método quantitativo, através de técnicas estatísticas, para o cálculo do índice de produtividade implícita dos produtos do agronegócio e da sofisticação revelada das exportações dos produtos do agronegócio junto aos países da região, índices utilizados por Hausmann, Rodrik e Hwang (2005), e a estimação do efeito multiplicador da sofisticação da cesta de exportação para o crescimento econômico e de bem-estar dos países, por meio de análise de regressão múltipla. Em posse dos resultados e das análises de investigação, é possível afirmar: a renda per capita dos países associa-se à sofisticação de suas cestas de exportação dos produtos do agronegócio; a variação no PIB per capita dos países da região é determinada, em um grau elevado, pela sua estrutura inicial de sofisticação das exportações; os países que têm conseguido modificar suas estruturas ao longo do tempo, especializando-se em produtos associados ao maior nível de renda (maior produtividade implícita), têm conseguido maior efeito multiplicador à renda agrícola, produto e ocupação, porém, este está condicionado ao enraizamento interno da atividade produtiva e ao grau de diversificação das exportações. Portanto, os resultados obtidos confirmam a hipótese de que, quanto mais sofisticada a pauta de exportação dos produtos do agronegócio e quanto maior sua integração entre os setores e agentes econômicos e às suas potencialidades internas, maiores serão os efeitos de crescimento da renda e do efeito multiplicador (transbordamentos) sobre a economia dos países da América Latina e do Caribe. Contudo, ceteris páribus, exportar produtos do agronegócio associados implicitamente ao maior nível de renda e com maior grau de enraizamento às suas capacidades internas constitui-se em uma importante estratégia de crescimento acelerado com base nas exportações e de obtenção de maiores níveis de bem-estar para a região. / The Latin America and Caribbean region economic performance has characterized by the low per capita income in the last decades and by its high volatility, going away from income convergence in relation to more developed countries. Theoretical and empirical developmental approaches highlight the region’s failure to transform its productive and exporting structures to more dynamic products and sectors in the international market and, with more technological sophistication adapted to the region’s specificities. The external expertise of Latin America and the Caribbean is defined by the process of “primarization”, loss of share in worldwide commerce and by the low value-added, technological content, quality and internal rooting of its exportations which interfere in the development of capabilities and in using its potential to generate higher wages, occupation and income induced by external trade.Under a perspective of productive dynamics of agribusiness chains to integrate different sectors and actors and, the high potential to diversify and refine the regions exporting structure based on these products, this study aims at investigating the exporting structure evolution considering performance and refinement level of agribusiness product sets to Latin American and Caribbean countries. It also aims to research the multiplier effect on the region future growth and the production of agricultural income, product and occupation from 1992 to 2009. The methodological procedures to achieve the goals combine bibliographical temporal retrospective research technique to investigate relationship of causality phenomena on the characteristics and limitations of the countries from this specific region to transform and diversify its export basket and; a quantitative method through the use of statistic techniques to calculate the productivity index of agribusiness products and the revealed sophistication of this products at the considered countries. The same indexes were used byHausmann, Rodrikand Hwang (2005). Using multiple regressions, we also estimated the sophistication multiplier effect in the exporting set to economic growth and the countries well-fare. From the findings it is possible to say that: countries per capita income is related to the sophistication of agribusiness exporting product set; per capita GDP variation in these countries is determined, in some level, by its initial sophistication structure in exporting;The countries have been able to modify their structures along the time, specializing in products that are associated to higher income level (greater implicit production), they are achieving a greater multiplier effect to agricultural income, product and occupation but it is conditioned to internal rooting of productive activity and to the level of diversification in exports.Therefore, our findings support the hypothesis that the more sophisticated the agribusiness export products set and, the higher the integration between economic sectors and actors and its internal potentialities, the greater will be the effects in income growth and multiplier effect (overflow) on the economy of Latin America and Caribbean countries. Nevertheless, ceteris paribus, to export agribusiness products implicitly associated to a higher income level and a greater level of rooting of its internal capabilities constitutes an important strategy of accelerated growth based on exportation and in getting better well-fare levels to the region.

This thesis consists of four self-contained articles which focus on different aspects of citizens' demand for and governments' supply of social policy in Latin American democracies. The underlying questions that link the four papers are a) do social and economic grievances affect citizens' propensity to protest? and, b) do democratic governments in the region use social policy as an instrument to mitigate social discontent and violent crime? In the first two papers, I use public opinion data in order to examine the determinants of citizens' participation in protest with a special focus on dissatisfaction with the quality of public services, demands for inequality-reduction policies and economic deprivation. The results show that among other factors, protest participation is motivated by citizens' discontent over the quality of basic social services, support for redistributive policies, and relative economic deprivation. The third and fourth papers analyze the "supply side" of social spending in the region focusing on collective protest and violent crime, respectively. The third article argues that under democracy, organized labor is in a better position relative to other groups in society to obtain social policy concessions as a consequence of their collective action efforts. The results show that whereas social security spending increases as a consequence of labor militancy, cutbacks in human capital spending are less likely as peaceful large-scale demonstrations increase. The fourth paper argues that political leaders use education spending as an instrument to mitigate violent crime. It also argues that the effect of violent crime on education spending is larger when leftist governments are in power. The empirical analysis provides support for these arguments.

Most of the thesis is devoted to studying the collapse of the Mexican peso in December 1994 using empirical methods that allow shifts in regimes, as well as a small theoretical model based on the escape clause approach. Also, we present a study of the consumption boom observed in Mexico in the period 1989-1994 to highlight the importance of taking into account structural breaks in co-integration modelling. We use a series of realignment expectations, as well as linear and non-linear methods, to look for evidence that helps to characterise the Mexican crisis. Contrary to the predictions of first-generation models of currency crises, we find that the credibility of the peso did not experience any steady deterioration before its devaluation, and there was no stable relationship between realignment expectations and economic fundamentals. By using a Markov-switching regression model, we show that realignment expectations shifted over time between regimes of relatively high and low credibility, and that these shifts were more frequent during the troubled 1994. This evidence makes it problematic to endorse explanations of the collapse of the peso based on models of speculative attacks, and suggests using the approach of second-generation models of currency crises to study the Mexican experience. The theoretical model is designed to illustrate some specific features of the Mexican experience. We argue that the substitution of peso denominated assets for dollar denominated and indexed assets in investors’ portfolios helped policymakers to resist recurrent periods of confidence crisis during 1994, but it also made it more difficult to eliminate a potential self-fulfilling devaluation. In particular, the sterilisation of reserve losses during 1994 seems to be more important in the onset of the devaluation of the peso than the increase in the stock of dollar indexed bonds. We use an index of pressure in the foreign exchange market and mean-variance Markov- switching models to study the timing and causes of the shifts of the Mexican economy between states of calm and crisis. Models with time-varying transition probabilities do not yield conclusive results. Hence, we adopt a two step approach to obtain the probability of the state of crisis at each date in the sample, and then model this series as a function of economic fundamentals and political events. We find that the reduction of the debt-output ratio and positive political events maintained the economy in the state of calm up to 1994, despite a continuous real appreciation of the peso. However, the end of the declining path of the debt-output ratio and negative political shocks produced a shift towards the state of crisis for most of 1994 that finally led to the collapse of the peso. The study of the consumption boom observed in Mexico in the period 1989-1994 illustrates that structural breaks in long run relationships can be dated and evaluated if we allow regime shifts in co-integration modelling. The available data rejects a stable co-integration relationship between consumption and income. Meanwhile, using Markov- switching models, we find that there was a marked shift in the co-integration vector after the implementation of the program for stabilisation and economic reform in December 1987. The program caused the former unitary income elasticity of consumption to increase by almost 30 per cent, but later the shift was reversed when the currency and financial crisis erupted at the end of 1994.

This study is the first to examine Question Time (QT) in a Latin American congress. Its main goals seek to discover the extent to which QT in the Mexican Chamber of Deputies is different from, or similar to, the House of Commons in the UK Parliament, and if findings and theories of studies conducted on other parliaments apply or not to Mexico’s Congress. A contrastive analysis reveals significant differences in terms of frequency of sessions, rules, and organisation, but not in how oral questions are used to bend the rules of the game. By using the methodology of Discourse Analysis, two QT sessions in the Chamber of Deputies are examined. At a macro-level, the structure of a type of speech referred to as stance-taking delivered by deputies, just prior to the questioning, is examined to identify its genre. At a micro-level, the analysis is on the discourse strategies deputies and government ministers use to interact. Overall, findings and theories on other Westminster-type systems apply to the Mexican Congress. However, the study yields different results compared to other work on parliaments because Mexico has a multi-party system, while in other parliaments there is, basically, a two-party system. Three types of opposition are identified, each one using their own discourse strategies: anti-system, neutral and loyal. While deputies and government ministers play their corresponding assigned roles as questioners and respondents, the analysis shows such roles allow them to do much more than to enquire or to respond, thus using QT for political purposes. Verbal abuse is also examined. Findings show that although the nature of QT is adversarial, when there is a pre-existing familiarity between a deputy and a government minister conflict escalates. What is considered unparliamentary language and the unspoken red lines that have to be crossed for a session to end prematurely differ between the House of Commons in the UK Parliament and Mexico’s Congress.

O presente estudo pretende ser um contributo à reflexão em torno da identidade da universidade latino-americana na contemporaneidade, sua função e responsabilidade social. Problematiza e questiona perspectivas epistemológicas e racionalidades vigentes no meio acadêmico a partir de autores como Boaventura Santos, Pedro Goergen, Almeida Filho e outros. Apresenta o caso da Pluriversidad Amawtay Wasi, instituição indígena situada no Equador, como objeto de estudo empírico a partir do qual faz a reflexão sobre essas perspectivas. A metodologia incluiu uma análise qualitativa do universo das evidências possíveis. Foram elegidas para o estudo as seguintes fontes de dados: documentos, bibliografias, teses, entrevistas online, palestras, sites e notícias de periódicos e revistas. A análise documental privilegiou quatro caminhos discursivos: (1) idéia de pluriversidade e epistemologias do sul; (2) decolonização universitária; (3) interculturalidade; (4) diálogo entre saberes e intercientificidade. Como conclusões, o estudo critica processos avaliativos padronizadores que não reconhecem universidades emergentes; questiona a monocultura do saber científico produzido nas instituições de educação superior; propõe a criação de espaços plurais de construção de conhecimento, desde uma perspectiva intercultural e descolonizada, como alternativa para superar a conjuntura de crises vivenciada pela universidade. A partir do caso Amawtay Wasi procura visibilizar a luta dos movimentos e comunidades indígenas por uma educação superior própria, que tenha como ponto de partida os conhecimentos, os valores, a cultura e a cosmovisão dos povos ancestrais da América Latina, caminhos também possíveis a serem trilhados por outras instituições de educação superior na busca de conhecimentos plurais, tanto mais efetivos para a sociedade quanto mais humanizados e impregnados de “buen vivir”. / This study intends to contribute to the debate on the contemporary identity, the social responsibility and mission of the Latin American university. This work problematizes and questions current rationalities and epistemological perspectives in academia, based upon authors such as Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Pedro Goergen and Naomar de Almeida Filho. It presents the case of Pluriversidad Amawtay Wasi, an indigenous institution from Ecuador, as an empirical study from which to discuss university perspectives. The methodology included qualitative analysis of the universe of available evidence. The following data sources were selected for the study: documents, bibliographies, dissertations, online interviews, lectures, websites and news from journals and magazines. The documental analysis highlighted four discursive paths: (1) idea of pluriversity and Southern epistemologies; (2) university decolonization; (3) interculturality; (4) dialogue among knowledges and interscientificity. In conclusion, the study criticizes the standardizing evaluative processes that do not recognize the emerging universities; questions the monoculture of scientific knowledge produced at institutions of higher education; proposes the creation of plural spaces of knowledge construction from an intercultural and decolonized perspective, as an alternative to overcome the context of crisis experienced by university. From the case of Amawtay Wasi, this study seeks to evidence the indigenous communities and movements’ struggle for their own higher education, taking as its starting point Latin American ancestral peoples’ knowledges, values, culture and cosmovision. These paths can also be taken by other higher education institutions in search for plural knowledges, the more effective for society the more humanized and impregnated by “buen vivir” they are.

Este trabalho tem objetivo de estudar os ciclos de crédito em cinco países da América Latina – Brasil, Chile, Colômbia, México e Peru - usando modelos com mudança de regime markoviano univariados e multivariados. Alguns dos modelos são capazes de captar períodos de crises bancárias nos países individualmente datados em Laeven e Valencia (2008, 2012) e Reinhart e Rogoff (2008), enquanto o modelo multivariado capta uma dinâmica comum nos países estudados. O ciclo que o modelo multivariado revela está de acordo com conhecidos períodos de expansão e contração da taxa de crescimento do crédito real ao setor privado conhecidos na literatura, em especial o boom da primeira metade da década de 1990 e sua desaceleração subseqüente. / This paper aims to study credit cycles in five Latin American countries in a Markov Switching Approach with univariate and multivariate models. The univariate models, for some countries, identified periods of banking crises dated in Laeven and Valencia (2008; 2012) and Reinhart and Rogoff (2008) while the multivariate model captured a common dynamic in those countries studied. The cycle revealed with this model is in accordance with known periods of expansion and contraction of the growth rate credit in Latin America, in special the early 1990’s boom and it’s subsequent slowdown.

Este trabalho compara os impactos da crise da dívida na América Latina (AL) nos anos 1980 e da crise do subprime de 2007 na região. Historicamente, verifica-se que crises financeiras gestadas no centro do sistema capitalista são capazes de causar efeitos negativos nas economias latino-americanas. Os impactos na economia vão do lado financeiro, incluindo câmbio e fluxos de capitais, ao real, afetando produção, emprego, investimentos e indicadores sociais. Sua magnitude, porém, depende tanto da forma como a crise é gerada e transmitida internacionalmente, como da estrutura das economias periféricas em questão e de seu posicionamento estratégico internacional. Com relação à primeira, enfatiza-se a diversificação produtiva e exportadora e a incorporação de tecnologia e inovação em sua estrutura produtiva. A segunda também se mostrou uma maneira eficiente de aplacar os efeitos da crise, ao ampliar a integração regional dentro da própria AL e com outros blocos e países emergentes, notadamente a cooperação multilateral. O trabalho assume que as mudanças estruturais experimentadas pelas economias latino-americanas, bem como a cooperação multilateral e a maior integração regional permitiram a estas nações minimizar os efeitos da crise do subprime, ao contrário da crise da dívida nos 1980, que promoveu profundos desarranjos e distúrbios econômicos na região. / This paper compares the impact of the debt crisis in Latin America (LA) in the 1980s and the 2007 subprime crisis’ in the region. Historically, it appears that financial crises gestated in the center of the capitalist system are capable of causing negative effects on Latin American economies. The impact on the economy occurs on the financial side, including exchange rates and capital flows, and in the real side, affecting production, employment, investment and social indicators. Its magnitude, however, depends as much on how the crisis is generated and transmitted internationally, as the structure of the peripheral economies in question and its international strategic positioning. Regarding the first, it emphasizes the productive and export diversification and the incorporation of technology and innovation in its production structure. The second was also an efficient way to assuage the effects of the crisis, to expand regional integration within the LA and with other blocs and emerging countries, notably multilateral cooperation. The work assumes that the structural changes experienced by Latin American economies multilateral cooperation and greater regional integration enabled these nations to minimize the effects of the subprime crisis, unlike the debt crisis in 1980, which promoted deep disorders and economic turmoil in the region.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-03-23T20:04:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos, André Luis Nascimento dos.pdf: 2481403 bytes, checksum: a2fe664e48fa159743f5ba1442ee40d6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-04-06T17:58:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos, André Luis Nascimento dos.pdf: 2481403 bytes, checksum: a2fe664e48fa159743f5ba1442ee40d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-06T17:58:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos, André Luis Nascimento dos.pdf: 2481403 bytes, checksum: a2fe664e48fa159743f5ba1442ee40d6 (MD5) / O presente trabalho busca compreender como a diplomacia dos direitos humanos da União Europeia ao longo dos anos 2000, têm sido concebida e implementada no que concerne à sua agenda de cooperação pública para a América Latina. Diante desta pergunta, o trabalho busca realizar uma ampla reflexão teórica acerca da construção da ideia de uma gramática de Direitos Humanos pelo mundo ocidental e a sua consequente instrumentalização nos tempos atuais por parte das potências. Essa reflexão tenta compreender como a Europa, a partir dos seus processos de integração, internalizou a ideia de ser o berço dos Direitos Humanos, tanto na sua política doméstica, como na sua política externa. Uma ideia que movimenta uma agenda diplomática que se expressa tanto a partir de práticas meritórias de cooperação, como, também, de usos e abusos da retórica de poder em prol da manutenção da potestade europeia no âmbito das Relações Internacionais. Cinco foram os andaimes metodológicos utilizados para a consecução da presente pesquisa, quais sejam: o exercício de um olhar cético sob a temática dos Direitos Humanos; a busca por uma construção histórica em perspectiva de path dependence sobre a tradição desses direitos; um esforço por realizar uma sociologia dos atores; a busca por compreender o fenômeno dos Direitos Humanos sob o prisma multiescalar; e, por fim, a preocupação de não perder de vista a dimensão meritória dos Direitos Humanos enquanto elemento portador de energia avatar capaz de plasmar, a partir de si, os ideários para um mundo menos anárquico, em que pese os cinismos, as instrumentalizações e as políticas de ganho. This study seeks to understand how human rights diplomacy of the European Union throughout the 2000s has been managed in relation to the European Union’s public cooperation agenda for Latin America. Before this question, the study attempts to make a broad theoretical reflection about the construction of the idea of a Human Rights Grammar by the western world and its consequent instrumentalisation by the current established powers. This reflection tries to understand how Europe, through its integration processes, has internalized the idea of being the cradle of human rights, both in its domestic policy as in foreign policy. An idea that moves a diplomatic agenda expressed both from meritorious practices of cooperation, as from uses and misuses of rhetorical power for the maintenance of the European status within the international relations. Five methodological scaffolding have been used for the achievement of this research, which are: the exercise of a skeptical look on the theme of Human Rights; the search for a historical building in perspective of path dependence on the tradition of these rights; an effort to accomplish a sociology of the actors; the quest for understanding the phenomenon of human rights through the multiscale prism; and, finally, the desire not to lose sight of the meritorious dimension of human rights as the carrier of avatar energy capable of shaping from itself the ideals for a less anarchic world, despite the cynicisms, instrumentalizations and the gain policies.

Este trabalho tem como proposta a realização de uma discussão comparativa a respeito de dois projetos de remodelamento da identidade nacional: a Revista do Brasil; do Brasil, aqui analisada na fase em que era dirigido por Monteiro Lobato, e a Revista Proa, argentina, editada por Jose Luis Borges, em alguns de seus colaboradores, tendo o iberismo como conceito-chave. Nossos olhares estarão voltados para o Brasil e a Argentina: como estes dois países desenvolveram suas trajetórias de organização política, desde o desligamento das suas respectivas metrópoles, até a (tentativa) de estruturação de seu projeto nacional?Os intelectuais são os atores privilegiados desta nossa análise: com eles, a apresentação do espaço das revistas como singulares na ação destes intérpretes; no Brasil, a Revista do Brasil, no seu período dirigido por Monteiro Lobato; e na Argentina, a Revista Proa, capitaneada por Jorge Luis Borges. O presente trabalho também contempla a análise acerca da atuação dos intelectuais e suas redes de contato no cenário latino-americano. / This academic study has as goal the production of the comparative discussion about two purposes of national restructure: A Revista do Brasil, brazilian review edited by Monteiro Lobato, and revista Proa, edited by Jorge Luis Borges, in their partners, facing where the iberism turns up like a key-concept. Our view is for Brazil and Argentina: how these countries made their political paths, since the independence processes until the.consolidation of the national project. The intellectuals are the privileged actors in this study; with them, the presentation of the reviews like singular locus on the intellectuals actuation. This study also analyses the role of the intellectuals and their web of contacts in the Latin-American context.