An organization, to the purpose of its developing, usually set forth lots of system(s) & regulation(s) inward, and then, operated under well-planned & well-organized framework with the principles of behavior science. However, during the developing of an organization, political problems of conflict and trade occurred, yet existent politics affected the organizational performance. Although ¡¨economic rational¡¨ is an ideal condition/status each enterprise organization sought/persuaded, in fact, the relationship between politics organizational performance is indeed the key issue that human resource of enterprise would get face. This case study via ANOVA to explore the politics of organization members (politics of upward, downward & lateral influence), to realize different methods of power operating and the influence by the performance in the sections of one organization. The results showed several fold: In case of politics of downward influence, there were some relationships between/among age, occupational and higher authority; age and bargaining; education and reason, bargaining. In case of politics of upward influence, there were some relationships between/among age and reason. In case of politics of lateral influence, there were some relationships between/among age and reason, education and reason, friendliness, coalition. In case of influence canonical correlation between politics of upward and downward it appeared to be of remarkable correlation significance in operating model of power between these two categories. Finally, stepwise multiple regression analysis technique showed organizational performance=3.014+0.201 downward rerason-0.459 upward bargaining +0.504 upward friendliness -0.448 lateral sanctions¡]R2=0.417¡AP= 0.000¡^.

This thesis aims to construct an organizational political behavioral inventory. Frequently the tactics was used by members of an organization to affect their fellow members. Moreover they take adavntage of the opportunities of mastering and distributing organizational resources to make a profit for themselves. The data are collectted from the subjects of scholars and experts who participate in the organization located in southern Taiwan. The subjects who own the substantial power include the experts in Human Resource Management, company managers, factory directors and chiefs in the personnel department. They are asked to describe some incidents in which people at their company influence others in a short statement. Then according to the operational definition, it is eliminated, polished and integrated to make a forty-eight-item script of organizational political behavioral inventory which adopts the Likert¡¦s 5-point scale. The research chooses members of eleven companies to be the subjects of the script with a convenient sampling. These questionnaires are analyzed with different analytical methods. These include factor analysis (principal, varimax), communality, item analysis(internal consistent criterial) and Cronbach¡¦s £\ value. It also analyzes whether the subjects are affected by social desirability as well as the relationship of Machivalli's ¢¼ between subjects in order to construct a more valid, reliable, and practical inventory related to organizational political behavior. Base on the analyses mentioned above, ten items of the inventory script are deleted. The result of factor analysis obtains eight components. Total variance explained 69.181 %, and the community of each item is 0.5 above. The Cronbach¡¦s £\ in total inventory is 0.9438. Only two are lower than 0.6 among factors, where as the rest are higher than 0.7. The relationship of item-total of every factor achieves a significant level(p¡Õ.001). The test of the discriminatory power of each item also achieves a significant level. It concludes that the inventory resposed by the subjects aren¡¦t affected by social desirability. The comparison in Machivalli¡¦s ¢¼ doesn¡¦t have any significant difference between the chiefs in the basic and the chiefs in the middle or high level, between the people in the basic and the people in the middle or high level, between the people other than chiefs in the middle or high level and the chiefs in the middle or high level. The eight factors of the organizational political behavior are described in brief as follows: Factor 1: This includes seven items. It means that members are good at circulating the rumors, fomenting discord and lashing others. Factor 2: This includes nine items. It means that members use the power to oppress the opponent parties or groups and force them to accept what they don¡¦t really want. Factor 3: This includes eight items. It means that members make use of authority of office to oppress others and deal with the things arbitrarily. Factor 4: This includes five items. It means that members deal with the things successfully, by encouraging the subordinates, and rewarding subordinates. Factor 5: This includes two items. It means that members don¡¦t have their own opinions and flatter others on purpose. Factor 6: This factor includes two items. It means that members keep a low profile to get the information and are good at tricks. Factor 7: This includes two items. It means that members play an active role in expressing personal opinions and attracting others¡¦ attention. Factor 8: This includes three items. It means that members build up their professional images, express their intentions in a roundabout way, and never expose their inner feelings easily.

Richard Nixon undoubtedly casts a long shadow on the American political conscience. Nowhere is this clearer than in the political behavior of American voters born 1950-1954. These baby-boomers were the youngest voters eligible to vote in 1972, and experienced the greatest scandal in postwar American politics at an important age. The question this thesis asks is: what happens when the most populous cohort in American history experiences one of the most contentious periods in postwar politics during the most important years of psychological development? This study finds three significant effects. First, this cohort shows lower levels of civic engagement throughout life. Second, this cohort is more likely to vote Democrat. Third, this cohort is more ideologically polarized. Not only are these trends clear, they are also distinct from adjacent cohorts.

<p>This thesis explains the role universal values play in several aspects of American political life.</p> / Dissertation

News media consumption is vital to understanding democracy in Latin America. Democracy in the region lacks consolidation that may be encouraged by the ability of news media to shape individuals' political attitudes and behaviors. Yet, we know very little about how citizens of Latin American countries consume news media or how that consumption affects attitudes and behavior. This study offers a region-wide examination of the factors that shape news media consumption and the effects of that consumption on individuals in the region. To explore this topic, I examine survey data from the 2008 Latin American Public Opinion Project in 18 Latin American countries. I argue that news media promote democratic attitudes and political behavior by increasing the symbolic value of democracy and by supplementing those symbols with information that further encourages democratic attitudes and political participation. Additionally, political behavior is not temporally proximate to political behaviors such as voting. This necessitates a mediated path for news media consumption to influence participation through political interest, civil society participation and democratic attitudes. My findings illustrate that each news medium type (TV, radio, newspaper) must be considered separately from each other type. I find that news media consumption has little effect on attitudes. The effect of news media consumption on behavior is best understood as mediated paths through political interest and civil society participation. An additional analysis examines the state of internet use in the region. In total, this project offers a broad understanding of how news media consumption affects individual-level democracy in Latin America.

The Vietnamese have been resided in Czech Republic since 1950s. Literature claims that the Vietnamese is a rather successfully integrated group in Czech Republic comparing with other minority. Hence, the master thesis aims at exploring the political participation as well as civic engagement of university students with Vietnamese ethnicity and are conceived as second generation of the Vietnamese group in Czech Republic. Based on a review on literature on theories and relevant studies on political participation, the research employed qualitative approach through semi-structured interviews with 15 Vietnamese university students in Prague. Analysis of the responses demonstrates that most of the participants perceive political participation as their duty of citizenship and do not link their political participation with minority identity. Meanwhile, a distinction of attitude towards civic engagement and political participation for the target group and the trend of replacing political activities with civic activities is discovered. At the end of the research, this study indicates that conventional theories of political participation are not be able to cover the complexity of political participation in the modern society. Keywords Vietnamese minority, political participation, civic participation, minority...

In the age of technology and with rapid expansion of social media outside of simply the social realm (entertainment), as it delves into the political realm, it is important to assess the implications that new technologies will have on our democracy. The purpose of this study is to attempt to predict the ramifications of the internet on American politics and the impact it is having on political norms and responsibilities. The norms that are expressly being examined are voter turnout and partisanship. We have seen in recent elections how individual candidates have utilized the internet to further their own campaigns and policy objectives. Indeed, President Barack Obama’s first campaign was hailed for its effective grassroots employment of social media to interact with young voters. This greatly contributed to his victory in the 2008 election over Republican John McCain. Donald Trump employed similar tactics in 2016, notoriously using Twitter to spread his message to his loyal base. President Trump also utilized claims of misinformation from the established political “gate-keepers” (i.e., mainstream media) to further push his narrative, further diminishing the power of established media outlets and propelling more people to alternative online outlets to receive their political information. This study looks at the long-term effects of such use, and how the voters are responding, and will seek to answer three main questions: (1) Are individuals outside of the typical voting elite (highly educated and/or wealthy) utilizing the internet for political purposes? (2) Does campaigning and/or policy projection via the web have any impact on election outcomes, or is it serving as another platform to reach out to an already loyal base? (3) Is the internet breaking down political divides and expanding the politically independent group, or has partisanship increased because of the internet?

This dissertation consists of three papers exploring how critical historical moments can produce different electoral patterns in Latin American countries. Through the comprehension of times in which new institutions emerge (or are reformed), the articles investigate how factors can move voters beyond what the discipline has acknowledged as the typical patterns of voting behavior. Specifically, the papers look at elements such as biased information exposure during the expansion of the voting franchise, changes in technological and procedural rules of elections, and long-term exposure to autocratic government repression on the eve of the re-birth of democratic institutions. The first paper studies the 1958 Chilean presidential election to assess the impact of pro-partisan informational channels on aggregate voting patterns by using information retrieved from national election archives and an original dataset for radio stations across the territory. The analysis exploits as-if random variation in signal reception using a linear regression model to estimate the effect of exposure to pro-partisan radio signal strength on electoral results. Results show that exposure to partisan radio substantially increases electoral support for the ideologically closest candidates, providing persuasive evidence regarding the relevance of informational control. The second article explores the effect of the different periods of Pinochet’s repression machinery on the 1988 plebiscite results by using a two-part methodological strategy, achieved through collecting ecological data of repression cases, pre-existing security infrastructure, aggregate electoral outcomes, and survey responses. The first strategy employs a two-stage least square model to observe the possible influence of repression’s geographical variation on electoral outcomes. The second approach looks at a multilevel logistic regression with survey observations to assess the possible influence of different levels of repression on individual self-reported vote choice. Results show a null relationship between the variables of interest, but it is not possible to reject the idea that repression doomed Pinochet’s regime because its effect could be mediated by television and campaign ads. Lastly, the third paper investigates how the introduction of new voting technologies can decrease the rate of residual votes by limiting the capacity of political and bureaucratic agents to intervene during the vote-counting moment. Based on district-level data for elections in Peru and Paraguay, the analysis of this research uses a comparative framework taking advantage of the conditions under which the implementation of electronic voting happened by using a group-time difference-in-difference model. The quantitative exploration is complemented by in-depth interviews conducted in both countries. Results show that the implementation of electronic voting is associated with a decrease in the rate of residual votes that can be attributed to the user—error reduction and the limitation of political activists’ capacities to influence the rate of null votes. The findings of the different articles can serve as an important addition to the broader literature on comparative politics and political behavior in Latin America. Moreover, they highlight the relevance of observing how unique conditions and novel institutional settings might be essential to revisit crucial historical moments and comprehensively understand factors that shape political dynamics.

<p>Negative partisanship, which stems from negative affect towards an opposing party, exerts influence on evaluations of democratic performance (see Ridge 2020; Spoon and Kanthak 2019), but we still need to add more pieces to the puzzle of negative partisanship. To contribute to this literature, I examine negative partisans against another group with similar parameters on the negative side of the spectrum. I argue that our partisanship is not unidimensional, negative positions could exist beyond one party, and we could be negatively inclined to more than one party. </p> <p>The experience of democracies is used as a baseline to analyze the systemic effects on satisfaction with democracy over both types of partisans. First, social identities are explored to establish the foundation of the proposed partisans. Findings showed that negative partisans are affected by two motivators: marginalization and a threat to the status quo. In some cases, clear trends were uncovered regardless of the status of democracy, and some others diverged by context and became clearer when democratic settings were explored. Evidence also showed that the regime’s status as consolidated or young democracy plays an important role when negative partisans ponder how their democracy is performing. Finally, when emotional piling happens, satisfaction with democracy is affected negatively due to vulnerability to frustration. </p> <p>The background of the regime is another piece that differentiates negative partisans because democracies built on ideological post-communist regimes are not the same as a background of one-party rule or a military regime. Findings showed that institutional pacts from these regimes through authoritarian successor parties are not as negative in the effects from parties that are the product of the new regime. Also, satisfaction over time certainly makes negative partisans more comfortable with democracies, regardless of the setbacks and even how polarized the systems are. Moreover, systemic elements affect negative partisans’ perception of democracy’s performance through compensatory and non-compensatory mechanisms. Negative partisans behave differently not only in different democratic settings but also when they are following the rules to elect representatives. They are affected more negatively in their satisfaction when their partisanship is stronger or without the influence of a party. This context is exacerbated when the electoral design or system has dynamics that incentivize rivalry compared to “include all” or mixed designs. This study adds elements to the literature of negative partisanship and opens new lines to examine negative partisans worldwide. </p>

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