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The aim of this thesis is to analyze the political behavior and party preferences of the voters at the 3 November 2002 elections in terms of the concept &ldquo / New Political Behavior&rdquo / . The structure of this thesis is as follows: In the first chapter, the basic theoretical framework of the concept political behavior is examined. In this chapter, the concept &ldquo / new political behavior&rdquo / is discussed in detail. In the second chapter, the political environment, institutions, traditions and transformation of the Turkish political system are analyzed. The empirical part of this thesis has examined the applicability of the concept &ldquo / new political behavior&rdquo / on 3 November 2002 with an analysis of the interviews which are made in Tire. The main conclusion of this study is that, the traditional approaches remained limited in explaining the picture that has emerged after 3 November 2002 elections, and the consequences of 3 November 2002 elections can be evaluated as evidence of a just occurring phenomena &ldquo / new political behavior concept&rdquo / , by emphasizing the similarities rather than differences between the findings and the concept.

<p>Ispitivanje prikazano u radu problematizira relacije između ličnosti posmatrane sa tipolo&scaron;ke perspektive i ideologije obuhvaćene preko sistema vrijednosti, dru&scaron;tvenih stavova i religioznih uvjerenja. Istraživanje je provedeno na uzorku od 1046 ispitanika (65% žena), starosti 18-74 godine (prosječna starost 32,74 godine). U ispitivanju su kori&scaron;teni sljedeći instrumenti: upitnik ličnosti Velikih pet plus dva (VP+2), &Scaron;varcov upitnik vrijednosti (PVQ), Ajzenkova skala dru&scaron;tvenih stavova, Skala religioznih uvjerenja i Skala polariteta.<br />Klasterizacija upitnika VP+2 dovela je do kategorizacije ličnosti na: hiperkontrolisani, rezilijentni i hipokontrolisani tip. Rezultati su pokazali da se za svaki od tipova ličnosti veže specifičan vrijedonosni profil. Rezilijentni tip ličnosti se uglavnom veže za klaster vrijednosti Otvorenost za promjene (Nezavisnost, Poticaj) i Sopstveno odricanje (Univerzalnost, Dobronamjernost), dok se hipokontrolisani tip uglavnom veže za klaster vrijednosti Samounapređenja (Postignuće, Moć). Oko 40% varijabiliteta vrijednosti može se objasniti preko tipova ličnosti. Dru&scaron;tveni stavovi Etnocentrizam i Liberalizam slabo su povezani sa tipovima ličnosti. Isto je konstatovano i za religiozna uvjerenja i normativno-humanističku orijentaciju. U osnovi,<br />ličnost posmatrana preko tipova ili preko dimenzija, nije se pokazala kao značajan prediktor političkog pona&scaron;anja. Dru&scaron;tveni stavovi i vrijednosti takođe su skromni prediktori političkog pona&scaron;anja, s tim da je prognoza ne&scaron;to bolja u slučaju predikcije glasanja za stranke desnog centra (SDA), gdje je moguće objasniti oko 20% varijanse glasačkog pona&scaron;anja.</p> / <p>This study discusses relation between personality from aspects of typological perspective and ideology determined as system of values, social attitudes and religious beliefs. The research was conducted on sample of 1046 respondents (65% female), aged from 18 to 74 years (average age 32,74 years). The instruments administrated in research were: Big Five plus Two (Velikih pet plus dva, VP+2), Schwartz Value Survey (PVQ), Eysenck&rsquo;s Inventory of Social Attitudes, Religious Beliefs Scale and Polarity Scale.<br />Clustering of Big Five plus Two (VP+2) inventory led to the categorization of personality to overcontrolled, undercontrolled and resilient type. The results showed that specific value profile is related to each type of personality. Resilient type is mostly related to the value cluster Openness to Change (Self direction and Stimulation) and Self-Transcendence (Universalism and Benevolence), while undercontrolled type is mostly related to value cluster Self-Enhancement (Power and Achievement). About 40% variance of values could be explained through personality types. Social attitudes Ethnocentrism and Liberalism are weakly associated with personality types. The same relation could be stated to religious beliefs and normative-humanistic orientation with personality types. Basically, personality operationalized through types or through dimensions either, has not showed as&nbsp;significant predictors of political behavior. Social attitudes and values are modest predictors of political behavior, although the prediction is somewhat better in case of prediction for right-wing parties (SDA), where is possible to explain about 20% of variance of political behavior</p>

I examine the formation of a "foreign policy" ideology and how it shapes the preferences and decisions of individuals during foreign policy events. Following from earlier research on the structure of a foreign policy ideology, two dimensions are identified as important determinants of individual preferences: a militant dimension and a cooperative dimension. To understand the determinants of an individual's ideology, a bottom-up, value driven approach is employed that explores influences that are both psychological (values, beliefs, traits) and sociological (groups, environment). As to the impact of ideology on preferences, I explore how ideology influences preferences in the context of support for military intervention, leader evaluation during times of war, and casualty tolerance. Beyond simply shaping preferences, one novel aspect of my research is exploring if ideology can modify the impact of external stimuli, such as elite cues and environmental context, on individual preferences. Following from research on "motivated reasoning" my theory argues that ideology colors the way new information is interpreted and accepted. In essence, ideology can filter the influence exerted by partisan/elite cues and environmental context (i.e. casualties, mission purpose).

Scholars of economics, sociology, political science, and social psychology have attempted to define and quantify quality of life in order to make meaningful observations of society and to formulate optimal policy prescriptions. Unfortunately few if any of these attempts have systematically measured or used quality of life in a quantitative evaluation of data. In what follows I develop an empirically valid metric for measuring quality of life, establish the role of quality of life in determining societal and political outcomes, and explore what predicts higher quality of life to provide insight to about how quality of life can be improved.

Manager¡¦s managerial effectiveness is measured by how successfully he/she influences others. Leaders exert influence tactics to achieve task objective and organizational long-term objectives in a complex environment in order to maximize their job performance. By means of influence tactics, managers exert political behavior over others to achieve their organizational power settings. Thus, the purpose of the study is to understand the relationship between downward influence tactics and job performance. Results showed as following: 1. Male managers use more rationality influence tactic than that of females; female manager¡¦s contextual performance is better than that of males. 2. Managers with age between 30-39 use rationality influence tactic more than those of age 50 and above; managers with age below 30 use network and counteract influence tactics more than those of other age groups; task performance and contextual performance of managers with age over 50 are better than other age groups 3. Single managers use counteract influence tactic more than married managers; task performance and contextual performance of single managers are better than those of married managers 4. Managers with Master/Doctoral degrees use rationality, network, exchange, pressure, and counteract influence tactics more than those of other educational backgrounds. 5. Managers with 1 ~ 3 years working experiences use rationality and counteract influence tactics more than those of other years of working experiences; managers with working experiences over 10 years use network and pressure more than those of other years of working experiences. 6. High-level managers use rationality and pressure influence tactics more than those of other lower level managers; project-based managers use network and counteract influence tactics more than those of other levels of managers. 7. Middle-level managers have higher task performance than that of other levels of managers; high-level managers have higher contextual performance than that of other levels of managers. 8. After using gender, age, martial status, educational background, working experience and job level as control variables, and compare the relationship between downward influence tactics and job performance, we found: 8.1 Managers who are male, age over 35, single, college and below educational background, middle/high level, 5 years and above working experiences, the more rationality influence tactic they use, the better their job performance are. 8.2 Managers who are university and above, have 5 years and above working experiences, the more exchange influence tactic they use, the better their job performance are. 8.3 Managers who have less than 5 years of working experiences, the more pressure influence tactic they use, the better their task performance are. 8.4 Managers who are male, 35 years and above, single, university and below, and middle/high level, the more exchange influence tactic they use, the better their contextual performance they are.

This research relies on Ferris et al. (2002) proposed the organization politics perceptions revision model, the discussion organization politics behavior, between the organization citizen behavior, the political skill and the organization politics perceptions 's relations, and further confirm the political skill in the political behavior, the organization citizen behavior to organize the political perceptions the disturbance effect. This research take the Taiwan area 40 institutions as an object, altogether recycles 1,940 questionnaire, the effective questionnaire is 1,890, respectively by methods and so on item analysis, factor analysis, reliability analysis, correlation analysis, multiple linear regression and hierarchical regression analyzes. The findings discovered: (¤@) the political behavior, the political skill and political perceptions are not remarkable are related, the citizen behavior and political perceptions present negative remarkable related, the political behavior, the citizen behavior and the political skill present postive remarkable related; (¤G) the political skill assumes the remarkable disturbance between the political behavior and political perceptions, the political skill does not have disturbance of effect the whole to the citizen behavior and organization politics perceptions, the political skill ¡§pay and promotion policies¡¨ to the citizen behavior and organization politics perceptions it to assume the remarkable disturbance effect.

<p>The Global South, and particularly Latin America, experienced a remarkable expansion in conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs in the last fifteen years. Although a large literature examines the effects of CCTs on human development, the political behavioral consequences remain underexplored. In the dissertation, I address this gap by analyzing the effects of CCTs on political participation and policy. I also explore the implications of these effects for human development. </p><p>My central argument is that CCTs increase political participation among beneficiaries, and both program transfers and conditionalities contribute to these positive effects. More specifically, CCTs provide beneficiaries with politically relevant resources, including civic skills and access to state officials and community leaders. These resources reduce the costs of political participation and facilitate more involvement in political activities, particularly in more demanding forms of participation. In addition, I argue that CCTs increase the private provision of local services and influence the outcomes of some non-national elections. </p><p>To test this argument, I use four main sources of data: (1) existing survey data from Latin America in 2012; (2) original survey data from Mexico in 2014; (3) experimental data from Mexico in 1998-2000; and (4) in-depth interviews and focus groups from Mexico in 2012. Multilevel models and linear regression models are used to estimate the effects of CCTs on political behavior and service provision. The in-depth interviews and focus groups help to unravel more of the causal mechanism that connects CCTs to political participation. </p><p>The evidence largely supports my argument. I find that CCTs increase participation in a wide variety of political activities, including electoral and non-electoral activities. In addition, the pathways to increased participation include improved civic skills and increased access to state officials and local leaders. Moreover, CCTs increase the private provision of sewerage services.</p><p>I conclude that CCTs have both desirable and undesirable consequences. On the one hand, CCTs increase democratic political participation, improve civic skills, reduce the distance between beneficiaries and government officials, and increase access to local services. The increased access to sewerage services creates an indirect pathway to improved human development outcomes. On the other hand, CCTs reduce the pressure on local officials to provide local services, and in some contexts contribute to electoral rewards for undeserving incumbent parties.</p> / Dissertation

How do migrants from Mexico to the U.S., including those who return permanently to Mexico and those who engage in cross-border communication from the U.S., contribute to changes in the political attitudes and behavior of Mexicans living in Mexico? Individuals who return to Mexico after experiencing U.S. democracy directly are less likely to influence change among their non-migrant co-nationals than are migrants who remain in the U.S. This holds even though the former can share their experiences face-to-face, while the latter must transmit them from a distance and across the border. Non-migrants' propensity to learn foreign political practices and beliefs from migrants is conditioned by their ambivalent attitudes towards the U.S. These attitudes condition both migrants' willingness to share the forms of civic engagement they learned up north and non-migrants' receptivity. Non-migrants are more receptive to migrants who remain in the U.S. than to returnees because they have a higher esteem for them and because the long-distance ties that bind non-migrants to migrants abroad, as opposed to those back home, are stronger. Both types of migrants have an interest in sharing their new beliefs and behaviors with non-migrants; but while returnees struggle to accept adaptations of American-style practices to the Mexican context, this produces little inconvenience for migrants abroad. The anti-American attitudes returnees find in Mexico also dampen their efforts to introduce change. I employ statistical regressions, Qualitative Comparative Analysis and process tracing to evaluate two data sources: (1) a large-n database that draws from an original survey administered on a nationwide sample of Mexican citizens living in Mexico; and, (2) scores of interviews with migrants and the people in Mexico with whom they communicate. The statistical results indicate the outcomes that migrant-led international diffusion produces. The qualitative analysis explains the mechanisms that drive or constrain diffusion. The project applies theories of international diffusion to change occurring among individuals at the level of mass publics. It highlights the importance of intersubjective beliefs about the sources of foreign innovations--including both people and countries--in shaping diffusion processes. / text