Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.

No description available.

Sverigedemokraterna är det enda partiet i Sverige som ökat antalet röster på alla nivåer sedan bildandet. Syftet med denna uppsats är att försöka identifiera vilka orsaker som kan förklara Sverigedemokraternas framgångar. För att göra detta har historie-institutionalismen, nedfrysningsteorin och diffusionsteorin använts. Vidare analyseras framgångarna även genom de olika – såväl endogena som exogena – faktorer sociologiprofessor Jens Rydgren tar upp. Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraterna ända sedan bildandet 1988 haft en tydligt planerad strategi som hela tiden anpassats utifrån partiets storlek. / Since the inceptions of the democratic election system in Sweden the Sweden Democrats is the only party which has shown a continuously increasing numbers of voters. The aim of this essay is to try to identify the causes of the success of the Sweden Democrats.  In doing so, the thesis will apply historical-institutionalism, refrigeration theory and diffusion theory to this historical event. It will also analyze both endogenous and exogenous factors outlined by Professor Jens Rydgren with reference to the party's precedent history. The result shows that the Sweden Democrats since its foundation in 1988 has had a clear and planned strategy which has been constantly adjusted to the size of the party. / <p>2011-06-03</p>

The purpose of this study is to present populism as a political phenomenon and to impose focus on the rightwing populist parties that are active in Scandinavia. This essay begins with a presentation of the three rightwing political parties in Scandinavia. The rightwing populist parties have successfully developed their rhetoric and effectively influenced the political establishment in Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The parties that the essay focuses on are the Swedish democrats (SD), the Norwegian Progress party (FRP) and the Danish People`s party (DF). These parties are interesting in the sense that they share many opinions and are active in comparable political atmospheres, but also that they use approximately the same rightwing populist rhetoric as a way of exerting leverage on political policy. The theoretical segment is constructed on a descriptive historical background of populisms three different phases. It begins with the classic populism then the “dissatisfaction party” and in conclusion, today's rightwing populism. The theoretical segment also addresses populisms ideological foundations and its contents. This includes the country of birth, the people, welfare “chauvinism” on ethnic national grounds, targeted dissatisfaction, criticism against representative democracy, populisms dynamic structure, hostility to foreigners and stranger distrust. The empirical analysis of the political parties is based on seven starting points: basic values, views on peoples worth, most important unit in society, method for social change, political forms of managing, economic organization and utopia. To illustrate these points a comparison between the average parties is done, by examining their respective party agendas. The conclusion is drawn that there are few resemblances between the political parties examined; the differences considered are clearly stronger than the resemblances. The differences lie mostly in basis values, most important unit in society and political forms of managing. Furthermore are the resemblances only partial. The parties were most similar in relation to the family’s position in the society. SD and DF can be said to have similar ideologies while FRP’s ideology differs somewhat. SD and DF can be described as conservative nationalist parties, while FRP is a mixture of neoliberalism and conservatism. After studying each party’s principle agendas it can be established that all three parties utilize rightwing rhetoric. Keywords: rightwing populist parties, Swedish democrats, Norwegian Progress party and Danish People`s party, theoretical and analytical structure, empirical analysis.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze why the Sweden Democrats (SD) continued to grow in the 2018 election, while the Danish Peoples Party (DF) lost over half of their support in the election in 2019. By using a structured, focused comparative method, the essay analyses the similar political systems of Denmark and Sweden, focusing on the traditional established parties’ different strategies to gain back the voters lost to populists. The analysis concludes that the success of SD and failure of DF can be contributed to ineffective strategies by Sweden’s traditional parties and a more effective strategy in the Danish case. Sweden’s established parties used isolating strategies by demonizing SD and their voters as extremists, paving way for SD to use populist political communication. In the danish case, most established parties have legitimized DF by co-opting their stances on immigration. The blue block has cooperated with DF in the Danish government.  By anchoring the analysis in theories about favorable conditions for populism, the main conclusion is that SD, because of the established parties’ isolating strategies, have been able to use populist political communication to present themselves as a distinct political alternative which mobilizes voters. DF have not had this opportunity, due to the co-optation, cooperation and broad consensus on their main issues

Populism is on the rise, anti-globalism, nationalism, and xenophobia run rampant, andtraditional mainstream parties seem unable to curb the tide. Sweden is no exception, eventhough it in some cases seems like it should be, with the populist party the SwedenDemocrats gaining more support by each passing election. In this thesis, the rise of theSweden Democrats and the slow decline of the mainstream Social Democrats and ModerateParty are explored and explained through the use of the term issue alignment. The thesisexamines if the reason for mass migration from the established mainstream parties is due tothe Sweden Democrats being better aligned with voters’ stance on issues and policy.Furthermore, the thesis investigates if the mainstream parties’ voter loss is due to worseningalignment, but not finding any significant decline over time. Similarly, the thesis investigatesif the improving national vote results of the Sweden Democrats are due to improvingalignment between the party and the voters, again, finding no proof for this theory. TheSweden Democrats’ level of issue alignment with voters has not improved consistently overthe period, and similarly, the mainstream parties’ level of issue alignment has not decreasedconsistently over the period.

This study, ​“‘I’ve never been politically correct – truthfully it takes far too much time and can often make it more difficult to achieve total victory’ - a Critical Discourse Analysis of Donald Trump's speeches during United States presidential election of 2016”​, examines the political communication through linguistic strategies throughout 10 of Donald Trump’s speeches from the Trump rallies during the election year 2016. In order to serve that purpose, this thesis investigates which ones of the discourses that dominates the republican agenda in this context. ​Accordingly to the Critical Discourse Analysis the aim is also to see whether the worldview in Trumps speeches is constructed or deconstructed. The study is based on a theoretical framework with theories about social constructionism, nationalism and populism. A quantitative content analysis was made through the online text tool “Textometrica” in order to see Trumps main discourses. The qualitative content analysis was made through Norman Faircloughs three-dimensional model for a Critical Discourse Analysis. According to the analysis of this study, the five main discourses are ​Establishment, Trump, USA, Immigration ​and​ Work​. Around these discourses, Donald Trump’s main strategy is constructing an opposition between “us” and “them”, where “us” consist with Trump himself and the american people, and “them” includes the establishment, other countries and immigrants. Based on these opponents, and through disparaging “them” in a strategy, here called “the thief-strategy”, Trump constructs a reality where “us” is the better half and he appears as the hero in this duo. In conclusion, Trumps strategy in order to win the presidential election 2016 included running a political agenda characterized by populism which later on can lead to a polarized community, and a dissatisfied american people who will be open for change and a new leader.

Cette thèse traite des possibilités d’intégration de l’opinion publique dans les opérations du système de droit criminel. En s’appuyant sur le cadre de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann et sur le concept de rationalité pénale moderne d’Alvaro Pires, cette thèse prétend faire une double contribution. D’un côté, il est question d’avancer des distinctions et des précisions théoriques sur ce qui peut constituer cette opinion publique – et même, de façon plus générale, les stimuli externes apparentés à ce concept (public, mouvements de protestation, victimes) – et d’examiner la façon de concevoir son rapport avec le système de droit criminel. D’un autre côté, il est question d’observer empiriquement les mécanismes que ledit système met en place pour gérer la pression qu’il ressent de son environnement. Qui plus est, en nous servant de ce concept de rationalité pénale moderne, nous essayons de montrer dans cette thèse que des stimuli externes qui prônent un système plus punitif et intolérant ont beaucoup plus de chances d’être entendus que des communications qui sont critiques à l’égard de la punitivité du système. Finalement, nous devons ajouter que ce travail a eu l’ambition de faire une « sociologie du droit avec le droit », c’est-à-dire que la sociologie qui a été mise en place ici a eu l’intention de prendre en considération le point de vue interne du droit. Ses catégories, son raisonnement et ses opérations sont traités à partir d’un cadre théorique de la sociologie, mais toujours en considérant que le système juridique a une logique propre qui est souvent oubliée par la sociologie du droit.

[pt] O pensamento social brasileiro procurou, ao longo do século passado, compreender os processos de mudança no país, especialmente na relação entre o Estado e a sociedade. Nesse sentido, o fenômeno do populismo ganhou destaque por conta de suas implicações no processo eleitoral, na renovação de lideranças políticas, ou mesmo nas finanças públicas. Este trabalho procurou discutir as interpretações sobre as manifestações populistas no período de 1945 a 1964, oferecidas pela Escola de Sociologia da Universidade de São Paulo, pelo Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros, e por representantes do pensamento econômico liberal. Foi possível verificar que as contribuições estudadas afirmaram a relevância dos estudos sobre o populismo para a compreensão da política brasileira no período de 1945 a 1964, como também ajudaram na propagação do debate sobre o fenômeno do populismo no mundo público. Entretanto, em razão dos pressupostos teóricos diferentes que fundamentavam suas análises, não foram capazes de contribuir para uma definição precisa do fenômeno aqui estudado. Na Escola de Sociologia da USP destacaram-se o conceito de estado de compromisso, desenvolvido por Weffort, e a busca do entendimento da diminuição da importância da luta de classes no período populista. Por outro lado, os intelectuais do ISEB, que trabalharam sob influência do pensamento cepalino, viam o populismo como uma passagem na evolução da modernização do país, e davam ênfase à preocupação com o nacional desenvolvimentismo. Já os pensadores econômicos liberais se mantinham fiéis ao liberalismo econômico, marcando suas críticas aos governos que não priorizavam o equilíbrio fiscal. / [en] The Brazilian social thought sought, throughout the past century, to understand the processes of change in the country, especially the relation between the State and the society. In that sense, the phenomenon of populism gained prominence, due to its implications in the electoral process, the renewal of political leadership, and even in the area of public finance. This work tried to discuss the interpretations on the populist manifestations during the period from 1945 to 1964, proposed by the School of Sociology of the University of São Paulo, by the Superior Institute of Brazilian Studies, and by representatives of the liberal economic thought. It was possible to verify that the studied contributions pointed out the relevance of populism studies for better understanding Brazilian politics during the period from 1945 to 1964, as well as helped to spread the discussion about the phenomenon of populism in the public sphere. However, as a consequence of the distinct fundamentals through which different theoreticians based their analyses, they had not been able to accomplish to a precise definition of the phenomenon. In the School of Sociology of the USP relevant concepts were state of commitment developed by Weffort and the search for understanding the decrease of the importance of class struggle during the populist period. On the other hand, the intellectuals of the ISEB had worked under guidance of CEPAL`s thought. They saw Populism as a phase in the evolution of the country, and emphasized the concern with national development. The liberal economic thinkers were loyal to economic liberalism, criticizing governments that did not give priority to fiscal balance.

Cette thèse analyse les causes de l’apparition, la nature des discours, les modes d’institutionnalisation et les effets sociaux produits par les populismes bulgares pendant une période de plus de vingt ans : de 1992 à 2013. On soutient notamment l’hypothèse que les populismes bulgares catalysent une « révolution rampante » qui remet en cause les hiérarchies sociales et les canaux de représentation politique émanant de la « révolution du palais » de 1989. Elle résulte de la dialectique entre l’institutionnalisation de l’idéologie populiste en tant que grille d’analyse de la réalité et de l’impossibilité de sa réalisation par les partis formés autour des leaders qui la mobilisent. / This thesis analyses the reasons of the appearance, the type of discourse, the modes of institutionalization and the social effects generated by the Bulgarian populisms over a period of more than twenty years: from 1992 to 2013. We argue that Bulgarian populism catalyses a "creeping revolution": it questions the social hierarchies and the channels of political representation that results from the "palace revolution" of 1989; it is a consequence of the dialectic between the institutionalization of the populist ideology as an analytical framework and the impossibility of its implementation by the parties formed around the leaders who mobilize it. / Дисертацията анализира причините за появата, природата на дискурса, типовете институционализация и социалните ефекти, породени от популизмите в България през период от повече от двадесет години: от 1992 г. до 2013 г. Защитава се хипотезата, че популизмите в България катализират “пълзяща революция”. Тя поставя под съмнение социалните йерархии и каналите за политическо представителство, произтичащи от “дворцовия преврат” от 1989 г. Причина за това е диалектиката между институционализацията на популистката идеология като аналитична рамка за разбиране на политическите и икономически процеси и невъзможността за нейната реализация от партиите, формирани около лидерите, които я изповядват.