Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Santos Salgado.pdf: 1751953 bytes, checksum: b6e8a2f4cd3c384d0cbef2f819526008 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this study is to determine how one of the three largest circulation national newspapers in Brazil Folha de S. Paulo covered Venezuela and President Hugo Chávez between the years 2002-2005. During this period Venezuela went through one of the most troubled times in its recent history with a coup in 2002, strikes, social demonstrations, recall referendums and the opposition refusal to participate in the legislative elections in 2005 facts that justify the attention given to the country by the communications media. In the development of this dissertation points pertinent to the methodology adopted and relevant historical aspects recovered from the trajectory of the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo are clarified within its chapters. A full background on recent Venezuelan history is seen, from the introduction of liberal democracy in the country in 1958, based on the role of traditional political parties such as Acción Democrática and COPEI and the agreement known as the Punto Fijo Pact, that was responsible for the adoption of neo-liberal policies that led to crises in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s and which resulted in the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998. Analysis is also seen of Folha de S. Paulo s editorial coverage in relation to the Venezuelan government and highlighting of the arguments that led this paper to consider it undemocratic, besides explaining the paper s understanding of democracy and how this could be linked to a liberal definition of the concept, as well as proceeding to an analysis of the Venezuelan opposition newspaper and the similarities between the coverage of Folha and that of private Venezuelan communication media against the government established by Chávez. In this way the analysis recurs to the interwoven critique of Hugo Chávez and the construction of his images as a populist leader a concept that became the subject of considerable historical discussion, bearing negative value from the links of his profile as a politician who deceived and manipulated the populace. Thus, we have aimed at a critical look at the concepts used by the Folha de S. Paulo to explain the nature of the Chávez government, beginning with data of the Venezuelan social reality that could explain the nature of the Chávez government and how it became possible to identify the ideology propagated by the Brazilian newspaper recovered from identification of the social function to which it complies as a vehicle of the major press and media and its influence in shaping Brazilian public opinion in relation to its neighboring country / O trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar a cobertura realizada pelo jornal brasileiro Folha de S. Paulo um dos três jornais do país que conta com ampla circulação nacional no que se refere à Venezuela e ao presidente Hugo Chávez entre os anos de 2002 e 2005. Durante este período a Venezuela passou por um dos momentos mais conturbados de sua história recente, com golpe de Estado em 2002, greves, manifestações sociais, referendos revogatórios e a recusa da oposição em participar das eleições legislativas em 2005, fatos que justificaram a atenção dada ao país pelos meios de comunicação. Na elaboração desta dissertação e ao longo de seus capítulos são esclarecidos os pontos pertinentes à metodologia adotada e resgata-se da historiografia aspectos relevantes da trajetória do jornal Folha de S. Paulo. A realização de uma retrospectiva sobre a história recente venezuelana foi observada desde a instauração da liberaldemocracia no país em 1958, com o protagonismo de seus partidos políticos tradicionais como Acción Democrática e COPEI e o acordo que ficou conhecido como Pacto de Punto Fijo, responsável pela adoção de políticas neoliberais que levaram às crises ocorridas durante as décadas de 1980 e 1990 e que resultou na eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998. Também se observa a análise da cobertura da Folha de S. Paulo em seus editoriais sobre o governo venezuelano e a destacada argumentação que promoveu este periódico em considerá-lo antidemocrático, além de explicitar o entendimento do jornal sobre democracia e como pode ser vinculada à definição liberal do conceito, bem como se procedeu a análise dos jornais de oposição na Venezuela e as semelhanças entre a cobertura da Folha e a realizada pelos meios de comunicação privados venezuelanos, contrários ao governo implantado por Chávez. Desse modo, a análise recai sobre a crítica tecida a Hugo Chávez e a construção de sua imagem como um líder populista conceito que se tornou alvo de grande discussão historiográfica ao carregar em sua definição um valor negativo , além de vincular seu perfil ao de um político que enganou e manipulou a população. Nesse sentido, procurou-se fazer a crítica aos conceitos utilizados pela Folha de S. Paulo, a partir de dados da realidade social venezuelana que explicitaram a natureza do governo Chávez e que tornaram possível identificar a ideologia propagada pelo jornal brasileiro, resgatada a partir da identificação da função social que este cumpre como veículo da grande imprensa e de interferência na construção da opinião pública brasileira em relação ao país vizinho

Getúlio Vargas foi um dos principais governantes brasileiros a ser denominado de populista, inclusive pela literatura acadêmica, embora mais com foco na área política do que por suas ações no campo da economia. A hipótese do trabalho, confirmada pela pesquisa, é que a política econômica praticada pelo Governo Vargas, durante o Estado Novo, não apresentou circunstâncias previstas nos modelos de populismo econômico. Para tanto, a investigação consubstanciou-se na análise de discursos realizados por Getúlio Vargas e pelo seu Ministro da Fazenda, Artur de Souza Costa, e na verificação da caracterização dos resultados de suas medidas na economia, especialmente os relacionados às finanças públicas e à taxa de inflação. Em termos gerais, tanto as possíveis convicções interpretadas nos discursos, quanto a observação do desempenho dos dados quantitativos, alguns influenciados pela conjuntura econômica internacional restritiva, acarretada pela Segunda Guerra Mundial, demonstraram que não há evidências que possibilitem afirmar que, devido aos últimos oito anos de seu primeiro governo, Getúlio Vargas possa ser chamado de populista por conta das peculiaridades de sua política econômica. / Getúlio Vargas was one of the main Brazilian rulers to be called populist, including in academic literature, although with more of a focus on his role in politics than for his actions in the field of economics. The hypothesis of the work, confirmed by the research, is that the economic policy practised by the Vargas Government, during the New State, did not produce the circumstances predicted in the models of economic populism. The investigation was based on the analysis of speeches made by Getúlio Vargas and his Finance Minister, Artur de Souza Costa, and on the verification of the characterisation of the results of his economic measures, especially those related to public finances and rates of inflation and exchange. In general terms, the possible convictions interpreted in the speeches and the observation of the quantitative data performance, some influenced by the restrictive international economic situation caused by the Second World War, showed that there is no evidence making it possible to state that, due to the last eight years of his first government, Getúlio Vargas could be called populist because of the peculiarities of his economic policy.

Nowadays, liberal democratic societies comprise the breeding ground for thriving right-wing populist parties. They share the “fundamental core of ethno-nationalist xenophobia, (…) and anti-political establishment populism” (Rydgren, 2004 p.475). Coeval research has acknowledged the threat that is entailed in the bespoken phenomenon; yet, its account is incomplete.  This study follows Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in objecting to the individualist and rationalist tenets that inform previous research, to accentuate a neglected lens on the thrive of right-wing populism in Western liberal democracies. Their discourse theoretical frame was herein used as both theory and method, in a discourse analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) identity in German online newspaper discourse. The empirical material comprised 97 articles from Germany’s most popular national daily newspapers, which reported on the AfD in parliament, an AfD demonstration in Berlin, and the AfD’s youth organisation’s congress throughout April, May and June 2018. Ultimately, the study arrived at the conclusion that the sampled newspaper discourse identified ‘us’, the ‘benevolent democrats’ via the exclusion, and rejection of ‘them’, the ‘wicked right-wing populists’. Since such relation was markedly antagonistic proper, newspaper discourse may be considered to have contributed to the recent thrive of right-wing populism in Germany.

Cette thèse traite des possibilités d’intégration de l’opinion publique dans les opérations du système de droit criminel. En s’appuyant sur le cadre de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann et sur le concept de rationalité pénale moderne d’Alvaro Pires, cette thèse prétend faire une double contribution. D’un côté, il est question d’avancer des distinctions et des précisions théoriques sur ce qui peut constituer cette opinion publique – et même, de façon plus générale, les stimuli externes apparentés à ce concept (public, mouvements de protestation, victimes) – et d’examiner la façon de concevoir son rapport avec le système de droit criminel. D’un autre côté, il est question d’observer empiriquement les mécanismes que ledit système met en place pour gérer la pression qu’il ressent de son environnement. Qui plus est, en nous servant de ce concept de rationalité pénale moderne, nous essayons de montrer dans cette thèse que des stimuli externes qui prônent un système plus punitif et intolérant ont beaucoup plus de chances d’être entendus que des communications qui sont critiques à l’égard de la punitivité du système. Finalement, nous devons ajouter que ce travail a eu l’ambition de faire une « sociologie du droit avec le droit », c’est-à-dire que la sociologie qui a été mise en place ici a eu l’intention de prendre en considération le point de vue interne du droit. Ses catégories, son raisonnement et ses opérations sont traités à partir d’un cadre théorique de la sociologie, mais toujours en considérant que le système juridique a une logique propre qui est souvent oubliée par la sociologie du droit.

Abstract Title: Konstruktionen av sverigedemokraternas väljare Author: Magnus Persson & Max Lindberg Tutor: Leonor Camauër Course: Bachelor thesis, Media and communication.   The aim of this essay is to use a Critical Discourse Analytical (CDA) approach to analyse the construction of the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) voters in news articles to see if and how they are separated as a group from the Swedish democratic community. This aim is broken down into two questions. How are the Sweden Democrats (SD) voters constructed in news articles in Dagens Nyheter (DN) and Aftonbladet (AB) regarding the aftermath of the national elections? What differences are there between the portrayal of the Sweden Democrats voters and the agents that are used as opposition to them? To answer these questions we have used CDA. We have taken our approach from a modified version of Teun Van Dijks CDA model for analysing news articles. Theoretically we have a CDA approach, we also use theory regarding “the other”. The methodological tools we have used are primarily analysis for Global and Local Coherens, analysis of lexicalization and Faircloughs analysis of Framing. We have also analysed the thematic and schematic structures of the news articles. The analysis is based on a schema and from that schema we have analysed nine news articles selected from a time period of seven days after the Swedish national elections in 2010. Four of the articles come from AB and five from DN. From our analyses we have identified three themes. The first one is common for both DN and AB. It is a theme where the SD voters are consistently portrayed as being dissatisfied both on a political and a social level. AB has also had a tendency to enter articles from a position that expects to find that SD is dependent on a climate of conflict between different social groups to be able to grow regionally. In DN we have found a theme where SD voters are portrayed as less politically aware and generally less knowledgeable than those who vote for the other parties of the Swedish parliament. Keywords: Critical discourse analysis, Sweden Democrats, Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, the others, political, right wing, populism.

Nors populizmo terminas dažnai sutinkamas politikos moksluose, žiniasklaidoje, politikų ar paprastų piliečių retorikoje, populizmo tyrimai nėra paplitę ir tik pastaruoju metu labiau buvo susidomėta ir bandoma operacionalizuoti šią sąvoką. Lietuvoje populizmo tyrimų apskritai praktiškai nėra. Vis dėlto populizmo tematika yra itin aktuali: paprastai populizmas suvokiamas kaip žalingas stabiliam demokratijos veikimui ar, Rytų ir Vidurio Europos regiono atveju, tolimesniems demokratijos ir partinės sistemos konsolidacijos procesams. 2011-2012 m. parlamento rinkimai Baltijos valstybėse vyko po sunkios ekonominės krizės, kuri sukrėtė šį regioną itin stipriai, todėl populistinių politinių partijų sėkmės galimybės tapo dar didesnės. Pagrindinis šio darbo tikslas yra ištirti Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos politinių partijų programas ir įvertinti jų populizmo apraiškas 2011-2012 m. rinkiminiu laikotarpiu. Norint pasiekti šį tikslą, pirmiausia verta atkreipti dėmesį į populizmo tyrimų raidą politikos moksluose. Egzistuojant daugeliui teorinių prieigų bei populizmo fenomeno sampratų, būtina apsibrėžti savąją populizmo tyrinėjimo prieigą ir aiškinimą. Šiame darbe remiamasi populizmo kaip demokratijos patologijos aiškinimu, kadangi jis labiausiai atliepia šiandieninio populizmo Europoje kontekstą. Tokiu būdu nagrinėjamas ir sudėtingas ryšys tarp populizmo ir modernios demokratijos. Populizmas šiame darbe visų pirma suprantamas kaip siaura ideologija, ši prieiga įgalina tinkamiausiai... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Populism is a widespreaded conception, often used in the discourse of political scientists, media or common citizens. However, only in the recent period scientists attempted to adapt this conception to empirical research or to use a comperative approach. Populism researches in Lithuania practically do not exist yet. Nevertheless, populism topic is relevant: usually it is associated with negative impact on stable function of democracy, or in the context of East and Central Europe region – a setback for further democracy and party system consolidation. Parliamentary elections in the period of 2011-2012 occurred after harsh economical crisis in Baltic region, therefore potential populism success is more presumable. The main goal of this research is to analyse the election programmes of political parties in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the 2011-2012 parliament election period. To reach this goal, the study of populism research evolution in political sciences is made. One may find various theoretical approaches of populism phenomena, so scholar must adjust one particular explanation and theoretical approach. Populism as a pathology of democracy explanation is used in this study, because it most properly corresponds with recently context of populism in Europe. Consequently, the complex bond between modern democracy and populism phenomena is accomplished. I maintain that populism is primarily a thin ideology and this approach enables to analyse party programmes. Specific... [to full text]

Historians disagree on the reasons the Populist Movement and labor failed to achieve a political coalition. Some find the cause in a backward-looking Populist ideology that imagined solutions to the problems of rapid industrialization could be found in a yeoman republic. According to this view, rank-and-file Populists neither understood nor had sympathy with the problems facing workers in the mass industries of the late twentieth century. Others see Populism as a progressive movement that accepted industrialization but sought to bring it under government control so that its material advantages would benefit all citizens, especially the producer classes of farmers, laborers, and small businessmen. These historians blame the failure of a coalition to develop on the immaturity of the labor movement; it was not intellectually or organizationally advanced enough to appreciate Populists’ shared interests with workers or to accept their offer of a coalition. Richard Hofstadter and Oscar Handlin are key scholars in the first school; Lawrence Goodwyn and C. Vann Woodward are acknowledged spokespersons for the second. This study attempts to address the coalition issue by examining the responses of Populist and Republican newspapers to the Homestead Strike of 1892 and the Pullman Strike of 1894. These strikes were selected because both were notorious for their violence and bloodshed and both elicited armed government intervention on behalf of business. Newspapers were examined around the time of the strikes to gain a sense of local Populist sympathy with labor and of its commitment to a political coalition of farmers and workers. Populist response was compared to opinions expressed in Republican newspapers to determine if significant ideological differences existed between the Parties. Reviewing newspapers throughout the state and for events that occurred two years apart served as a check on regional and chronological variations. In all, over 400 newspaper editions were reviewed. The study’s findings solidly support to the perspective that depicts Populism as actively seeking a coalition based on a realistic understanding of labor’s position in an industrial economy. Universal editorial stances in favor of labor also advance the position that this was an authentic grass-roots expression and not simply a reflection of national leadership ideology. All Populist newspapers called for a political coalition of farmers and laborers. Populist response was markedly different than Republican. With a few exceptions, Republican newspapers took the side of capital. Further, this investigation revealed no evidence of desire to return to an imaginary yeomen republic in Populist newspapers. The study also examined the newspapers for instances of anti-Semitism and nativism associated with Homestead and Pullman. There was little evidence of either. While this might not be surprising with regard to anti-Semitism since the strikes did not revolve around issues of banking or credit, it is significant with regard to nativism. Anti-foreigner sentiment was often associated with strikes and with the importation of cheap, European labor. If nativism infected the Populist Movement, as is claimed by many historians who see it as a reactionary movement that practiced status politics, it should have been reflected in the pages of these newspapers. Its absence raises questions about negative conceptualizations of the Movement. / Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept, of History.

Le Venezuela d’H. Chávez et la Bolivie d’E. Morales sont les nouvelles terres d’élection du populisme et de la démocratie participative. Si ces deux formes politiques ont tendance à s’y hybrider et à témoigner d’un certain nombre d’affinités électives, les analystes ne se penchent jamais sur les expériences sociales spécifiques auxquelles elles donnent lieu. À travers une ethnographie des pratiques participatives dans des comités de décentralisation des politiques publiques situés dans les barrios - Conseils communaux vénézuéliens et Juntas vecinales boliviennes - cette thèse se propose de problématiser la relation entre pouvoir populiste et politique populaire. Son but est celui d’étudier le champ de pertinence d’un concept largement discrédité dans les sciences sociales, le populisme, à l’aune des politiques du peuple qu’il produit chez les exclus. À la confluence de sociologie des rapports ordinaires au politique et d’histoire « from below », notre thèse propose ainsi une nouvelle conceptualisation du populisme à l’aune des régimes d’identité, d’action et de rupture qu’il ouvre chez les dominés, et qui tournent autour du peuple comme opérateur. / Either as two exemplary democracies or two democracies of excesses, H. Chávez’s Venezuela and E. Morales’s Bolivia seem to attract nowadays more the ideological interpretations operating a rhetorical manipulation than informed social analyses. Far from wanting to discuss Chávez's ou Morales’s “exemplary” skills, the author proposes a policy ethnography focusing on the two radical populisms dynamics that can be observed in township assemblies for public planning (Consejos comunales and Juntas vecinales). These hybrid institutions are true political laboratories where lower classe people living in the country neighbourhoods can meet. Combining decentralization, deliberative democracy and populism, such institutions keep alive the treasure of the social construction of revolutionary policy in Venezuela and Bolivia. The participatory experience of ordinary people, which implies a community to integrate, an interest to defend and a collective identity to build, permits to track down the paradoxes and contradictions of a revolution in progress, and to reveal a sociology of action hidden by stereotyped concepts of faulty democracy or excessive democracy.

[pt] Apresentamos uma versão do modelo padrão de equilíbrio geral com agentes heterogêneos e mercados incompletos para responder questões acerca do populismo e suporte político. A inovação é assumir que o governo pode expropriar parte dos recursos da economia. Destacamos um novo mecanismo de suporte político, onde o governo populista obtém a aprovação necessária para se manter no poder. Transferências para os mais pobres/menos produtivos aumentam a taxa de juros de equilíbrio, ao reduzir a poupança por motivo precaucional, beneficiando detentores de capital ricos e criando uma coalizão entre eles. Então, fazemos um exercício de calibração para a economia americana e conduzimos exercícios de estática comparativa em parâmetros chave para analisar a verossimilhança do arranjo. / [en] We present a version of the standard general equilibrium model with heterogenous agents and incomplete markets to address matters of populism and political support of governments. The novelty is to assume that governments may expropriate part of the resources in the economy. We highlight a new mecanism in which a populist government can obtain the approval necessary to maintain power. Transfers to poorest/less productive households increases the equilibrium interest rates, by reducing precautionary savings, benefiting rich capital holders and creating a coalition between them. Further, we calibrate the model to a standard U.S economy and conduct some comparative statics in key parameters to address the likelihood of such arrangement.

The essay explains why and how Latin American societies, during the period of1930 to 1980, accepted the different variants of populist regimes; why these political systems perpetuated for such a long time; what mechanisms were employed to manage internal order; why and how the destruction occurred in the decade of the 1980s; why at the beginning of the 21st century certain forms of populist-demagogicappeals in the Latin-American political panorama returned to the scene; why the State in Latin America reached such low levels of institutionalism halfway through the 20th century; why the discourse of mixed races transformed itself into the central element, capable of uniting the complex magma formed by structural heterogeneity; and why «old nationalisms» are giving way to new methods and alternative discourses about the concept of identity at the beginning of the 21st century. / El ensayo explica por qué y cómo las sociedades latinoamericanas aceptaron, entre 1930–1980, las diferentes variantes de los regímenes populistas; por qué estos sistemas políticos se perpetuaron durante tanto tiempo; qué mecanismos se emplearon para gestionar el orden interno; por qué y cómo llegaron a su derrumbamiento en la década de 1980; por qué a comienzos del siglo XXI han vuelto a hacerse presentes ciertas formas populistas-demagógicas en el panorama político latinoamericano; por qué el Estado en América Latina alcanzó cotas tan bajas de institucionalidad a mediados del siglo XX; por qué el discurso del mestizaje se convirtió en un elemento central capaz de aglutinar el complejo magma generado por la eterogeneidad estructural; y por qué los viejos nacionalismos están dando paso a comienzos del siglo XXI a nuevas formas y discursos alternativos de la identidad.