[pt] A liberdade religiosa é um espaço de disputa entre diferentes denominações que tem ultrapassado o desejo de conter a verdade sobre as coisas para ter o controle dos espaços de poder. Historicamente tida como religiões subalternas, ainda hoje os cultos de matriz africana experimentam situações de perseguição, desconsideração e intolerância. Estes atos provêm tanto de particulares quando de agentes públicos e expressam parte da herança colonial ainda não superada: o racismo. É a ligação entre essas religiões e a África, os africanos e seus descentes que, mesmo no século XXI, quando muitas dessas crenças deixaram de ser professadas apenas por negros, despertam nos seus opositores dentro do campo religioso ou político as manifestações de intolerância e de violação de direitos dos adeptos das religiões afro-brasileiras. Esse trabalho consiste na análise desse panorama e do impacto que ele tem na consolidação do estado democrático e da laicidade do estado brasileiro. São investigados dois casos de templos religiosos de matriz africana proibidos de funcionamento no Estado de Sergipe e os afrorreligiosos participam de um survey sobre representação social do sistema de justiça, de modo que pretendemos abrir o espaço do debate sobre liberdade religiosa e sobre a prestação de serviços por instituições do sistema de justiça para aqueles que pouco ou quase nunca participaram ou opinaram sobre tais questões. O survey foi elaborado a partir das demandas e das necessidades específicas dos afrorreligiosos quando diante do sistema de justiça e as teorias e as metodologias aqui empregadas como referenciais foram eleitas e pensadas por se adequarem a estes grupos, não o oposto. / [en] Religious freedom is an area of dispute between different denominations that has overtaken the desire to contain the truth about things to keep track of the positions of power. Historically seen as subaltern religions, cults today with African roots experience situations of persecution, intolerance and disrespect . These acts come from both private and public agents when expressing part of the colonial legacy still unsurpassed: racism. It is the connection between these religions and Africa, Africans and their descendants, even in the XXI century, when many of these beliefs are no longer professed only by blacks, awaken in their opponents within the religious or political field manifestations of intolerance and violation fans of rights of african-Brazilian religions . This work consists of the analysis of this scenario and the impact it has on the consolidation of the democratic state and the secular nature of the Brazilian state. Two cases of religious temples of banned African origin operating in the State of Sergipe and afrorreligiosos participate in a survey about social representation of the justice system are investigated, so we intend to open up the space of the debate on religious freedom and on the provision of services by institutions of the justice system for those who know little or almost never participated or say about such matters. The survey was developed from the demands and specific needs of afrorreligiosos when confronting the justice system and the theories and methodologies used here as references were elected and thought fit by these groups , not the opposite.

At the United Nations Conference on International Organization in April 1945 South Africa affirmed the principle of respect for human rights in a Preamble it proposed for inclusion in the Charter of the United Nations. The proposal was approved and the Preamble was accorded binding force. While South Africa participated in the earliest attempts of the United Nations to draft a bill of rights, it abstained on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights because its municipal legislation was incompatible with some articles. Similarly, South Africa did not become a party to the international human rights instruments the declaration inspired, and avoided an active role in their elaboration. Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly undertook several studies on discrimination in the field of human rights. They provided evidence that racial discrimination in South Africa intensified after the National Party came to power in May 1948 on the platform of apartheid and diverged from global trends in humanitarian law. The gap between the Union and the United Nations widened. At the first General Assembly in 1946, India successfully asked that the treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa be inscribed on the agenda. The Indian question was later subsumed in the charge that South Africa's racial policies violated the Charter and in 1952 the General Assembly began to discuss apartheid. South Africa protested that these actions contravened Charter Article 2(7), which prohibited intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, and were ultra vires. Criticism of the Union increased in intensity, until in 1960 it culminated in calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions. Research shows that South Africa was the main architect of its growing isolation, since it refused to modify domestic policies that alienated even its potential allies. Moreover, it maintained a low profile in United Nations debates on human rights issues, abstaining on all substantive clauses in the two draft covenants on human rights. These actions were interpreted as lack of interest in global humanitarian affairs. South Africa had little influence on the development of customary international law in the field of human rights but was a catalyst in the evolution of international machinery to protect them. / Jurisprudence / (LL.D)

La justice criminelle devrait être adaptée aux mineurs et répondre à leurs besoins spécifiques selon le droit international des droits de l’enfant. Or, ce mémoire démontre que les droits internationaux de l’enfant compris dans les traités et autres instruments de droit international ne sont pas respectés au Canada. Le non-respect des droits de l’enfant en matière de justice juvénile se traduit par une violation des protections internationales fondamentales contre la discrimination raciale. Afin d’étudier les répercussions de la violation des droits du mineur dans la justice criminelle sur les jeunes racialisés, l’auteure adopte un cadre théorique critique de la race. La loi canadienne sur le système de justice pénale (LSJPA) est évaluée à la lumière des instruments internationaux de protection des droits de la personne selon quatre thèmes, soit (1) l’accent de la justice juvénile canadienne mis sur la répression, (2) l’accès entravé aux mesures et sanctions extrajudiciaires, (3) l’emploi abusif du placement sous garde ainsi que (4) l’assujettissement à une peine adulte. Chacun de ces quatre thèmes aborde la question de la discrimination raciale telle que vécue par les Autochtones et jeunes d’appartenance aux minorités visibles. / According to Children’s international rights, the youth criminal justice system should be adapted to minors and address their special needs. However, this thesis examines the extend to which Canada does not fulfill its international obligations regarding international children’s rights in juvenile justice. Violation of these rights induce the infrigement of internationally recognized fundamental protections against racial discrimination. In order to analyse the consequences for racialized youth of such violation of international rights, the author applies a critical race theoretical frame. This thesis compares the Canadian Youth criminal justice Act (YCJA) with international human rights emanating from ratified treaties and other international agreements. The evaluation is divided among four themes : the emphasis of the present act on the repressive justice model, the impeded access to extrajudicial measures and sanctions, the abusive use of detention, and the transfer to adult court. Each of these four themes address questions of racial discrimination as lived by Aboriginal youth and visible minorities.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Technology, Sydney, 2000. / Sportsmen: Tarpot, Tom Wills, Mullagh, King Cole, Jellico, Peter, Red Cap, Harry Rose, Bullocky, Johnny Cuzens, Dick-a-Dick, Charley Dumas, Jim Crow, Sundown, Mosquito, Tiger and Twopenny. Bibliography: p. 431-485.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Deakin University, Victoria, 2005. / Submitted to the School of Education of the Faculty of Education, Deakin University. Degree conferred 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 211-225)

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, Dept. of Political Science, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-319)

Thesis (M.Nurs.)(Hons)--University of Western Sydney, Nepean, 1996. / Title from electronic document (viewed 25/5/10) Includes bibliography.

At the United Nations Conference on International Organization in April 1945 South Africa affirmed the principle of respect for human rights in a Preamble it proposed for inclusion in the Charter of the United Nations. The proposal was approved and the Preamble was accorded binding force. While South Africa participated in the earliest attempts of the United Nations to draft a bill of rights, it abstained on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights because its municipal legislation was incompatible with some articles. Similarly, South Africa did not become a party to the international human rights instruments the declaration inspired, and avoided an active role in their elaboration. Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly undertook several studies on discrimination in the field of human rights. They provided evidence that racial discrimination in South Africa intensified after the National Party came to power in May 1948 on the platform of apartheid and diverged from global trends in humanitarian law. The gap between the Union and the United Nations widened. At the first General Assembly in 1946, India successfully asked that the treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa be inscribed on the agenda. The Indian question was later subsumed in the charge that South Africa's racial policies violated the Charter and in 1952 the General Assembly began to discuss apartheid. South Africa protested that these actions contravened Charter Article 2(7), which prohibited intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, and were ultra vires. Criticism of the Union increased in intensity, until in 1960 it culminated in calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions. Research shows that South Africa was the main architect of its growing isolation, since it refused to modify domestic policies that alienated even its potential allies. Moreover, it maintained a low profile in United Nations debates on human rights issues, abstaining on all substantive clauses in the two draft covenants on human rights. These actions were interpreted as lack of interest in global humanitarian affairs. South Africa had little influence on the development of customary international law in the field of human rights but was a catalyst in the evolution of international machinery to protect them. / Jurisprudence / (LL.D)

La littérature indique qu’il y a un problème de surreprésentation de personnes noires dans le système de justice criminelle canadien. Ce problème serait notamment la manifestation d’un racisme systémique anti-NoirEs (RSAN) dont les origines remontent aux époques coloniale, esclavagiste et ségrégationniste du pays. Les Impact of Race and Culture Assessments (IRCAs), des rapports présentenciels spécialisés, sont une initiative émergente visant à faire reconnaître les impacts du RSAN afin de mitiger la peine des justiciables noirs au Canada. Ce mémoire a pour objectif de documenter les discours et pratiques autour de l’utilisation des IRCAs. Plus spécifiquement, il vise à (1) détailler le processus de production des IRCAs et leur présentation au tribunal ; (2) mettre en lumière les avantages et les désavantages d'utilisation des IRCAs et (3) faire état de l’impact des IRCAs sur la pratique judiciaire. L’analyse thématique de données d’entretiens semi-dirigés menés entre 2018 et 2022 auprès de 35 avocats-criminalistes de pratique privée et de service oeuvrant à Toronto a permis de constater que les rapports IRCAs sont bien connus et appréciés des avocats torontois. Toutefois, les résultats suggèrent également qu’il reste de nombreux obstacles à pallier afin de faire reconnaître leur valeur auprès du plus grand nombre, d’harmoniser leur utilisation à l’ensemble du pays et de les rendre accessibles à tous ceux qui en ont besoin. Un doute demeure quant à la véritable portée que peut avoir une telle initiative lorsque l’intention ultime est de réformer un système entier. / Literature shows that there is a problem of over-representation of Black people in the Canadian criminal justice system. Among other factors, this issue is linked to systemic antiblack racism (SABR), the causes of which can be traced back to the country's colonial, slavery and segregationist history. Impact of Race and Culture Assessments (IRCAs) are specialized pre-sentence reports and an emerging initiative aimed at recognizing the impacts of SABR in order to mitigate the punishment of Black offenders, in Canada. This masters aims to document the discourse and practices surrounding the use of IRCAs. More specifically, it aims to (1) detail the process of producing an IRCA and presenting it to the court; (2) highlight the advantages and disadvantages of using IRCAs; and (3) report on the impact of IRCAs on court practice. Thematic data analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted between 2018 and 2022 with 35 private practice and duty criminal lawyers working in Toronto found that IRCAs reports are well known and appreciated by Toronto lawyers. However, the results also suggest that there are still many obstacles to overcome in order to ensure that their value is widely recognized, that their use is harmonized across the country, and that they are accessible to all those who need them. Doubts remain as to the true scope of such an initiative when the ultimate intention is to reform an entire system.