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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This dissertation examines recidivism for domestic violence offenders under both traditional probation and specialized probation conditions. This research compares recidivism at a traditional probation locality (Riverside Criminal Justice Services) and a specialized domestic violence unit (Chesterfield Community Corrections Services) in order to determine the nature of recidivism at both localities. In addition, the research aims to identify individual risk factors which are statistically associated with recidivism. The research is based on secondary data and draws on offender criminal records generated by the Virginia State Police, as well the extraction of information from probation files at both localities. The multivariate models indicate that a higher degree of recidivism occurs at the specialized domestic violence unit, and that the experimental locality, along with a younger age, are consistently statistically significant predictors for recidivism. Less consistent but still statistically significant risk factors included positive drug tests, higher supervision levels, and unsuccessful probation completion. The implications of these findings, as well as policy recommendations and directions for future research are fully discussed.

La presse informe, mais elle élabore aussi les représentations à partir desquelles nous interprétons car elle évoque certains de nos souvenirs historiques et quelques points de repères idéologiques. Ce travail examine la présence et la représentation médiatique de la violence dans les journaux thaïlandais, et les rapports entre médias et pouvoirs, entre 2004- 2006, dans la période de la nouvelle vague de l’insurrection thaïlandaise . Nous proposons des problèmes structurels qui confirment l ’hypothèse selon laquelle violence et médias ne sont pas dans la relation d’harmonie . Les discours médiatiques du conflit thaïlandais oscillent selon des pouvoirs. Le premier problème concerne la manière de qualifier les événements. En 2004, les événements violents sont ramenés à des conduites criminalisées. La presse thaïlandaise a minimisé la menace des groupes d’intérêts clandestins. Le « Faï Taï » et les « bandits du sud » sont d’usage dans la stratégie discursive de la presse pour illustrer les désordres qui nécessitent des actes pathologiques. Les photographies de presse sont traitées aussi dans le même ordre. Au moment où les acteurs violents élaborent mieux leurs stratégies médiatiques, la représentation médiatique de la violence est plus d’amplifier la portée politique du phénomène. Les acteurs violents sont souvent présentés comme de véritables forces de l’ombre, capables de défier le pouvoir de l’État et de menacer la sécurité des civils. De ce cas, le discours médiatique, notamment la représentation photographique, souligne donc la force militaire et l’usage de la violence légitime de l’État contre l’insurrection. / The press has not only informed, but also constructed the representation, interpreted by evoking some of our historical memories and a few points of ideological marks. This thesis examines the presence and the representation of violence in the southernmost region of Thailand, and the relationships between media and power in conflict situation during 2004-2006 under the new wave of Thailand’s insurgency. We propose the structural problems which confirm the hypothesis that violence and the media are not in the relationship of harmony. The first concerns how the press qualifies the events. In 2004, the violence in southern Thailand was degraded to the lines of crimes. The Thai press has minimized the status of the insurgents to the criminal groups. "Fai Tai " and " bandit " are used as the discursive strategy by the press to illustrate the disturbances, which require pathological acts. The press photographs are also processed in the same order. When the insurgents have better developed their communicative strategies, the media representation of violence has more amplified the political scope of phenomenon. The violent actors are often presented as the real forces in the shadow, challenging the State power and threatening the security of civilians. In this case, the media discourse, including the photographic representation, focuses on the military forces and the use of legitimate violence against the insurgency. The second problem relates to the ideologies and the different identities which are the root of the conflict. The Thainess structures the discourse and the actions of the protagonists of the conflict, as well as the media discourse. The discourse of Thai popular newspapers such as Thairat and Matichon clearly insists on the unity of the Thai society and the security of the nation. As the discourse of southern violence, the representation of the protagonists of conflict can be read. In the Thai press, the Malay-Muslims in the southern provinces are presented in the image of the poor, disadvantaged, being dominated by certain erroneous beliefs.

Notre intérêt pour le thème de la violence dans l’école n’est pas apparu par hasard, mais il se justifie surtout pour les raisonssuivantes: nous croyons que malgré les différentes manifestations de la violence contre les enfants et les adolescents à l’école et dansla sociéte, quelque chose doit être fait à cet égard, des propositions doivent être présentées et des alternatives doivent être construites.Nous avons donc mené une recherche en ce sens: « Violence à l’école: compréhension d’un phénomène social à João Pessoa-Paraíba-Brésil », dans le but comprendre les actions éducationnelles et préventives du projet « École qui Protège » pour combattre laviolence commise envers les enfants et les adolescents indépendamment de la couleur de leur peau, de leur ethnie, de leur genre et deleur classe sociale dans des écoles de la banlieue de João Pessoa-Paraíba-Brésil. Pour poursuivre cet objectif, nous avons entreprisune approche qualitative en prenant pour référentiel Robert Bogdan et Sari Bicklei. Nous avons collecté les données à traversl'interview semi-structurée, ce qui nous a permis de nous engager dans un processus d’écoute des acteurs concernés ; matériel quenous avons pu analyser et comprendre via l’Analyse de Contenu, basée sur Laurence Bardin. Pour mener à bien notre recherche etpour asseoir notre fondamentation théorique, nous nous sommes laissés guider par de nombreux sociologues comme MartineXiberras, Michel Maffesoli, Alain Touraine, Edgar Morin, Zygmunt Bauman, Norbert Elias, Erving Goffman, Howard Saul Becker,et par la philosophe allemande Hannah Arendt, sans oublier les auteurs brésiliens comme l’éducateur Paulo Freire, le théologien etphilosophe Leonardo Boff, entre autres. Les auteurs mentionnés nous ont donc permis de nous ancrer théoriquement à la lumière dedivers aspects sociologiques, philosophiques et antropologiques, nous aidant ainsi à mieux comprendre la complexité de la violencesous la forme du préjugé, de la discrimination et de l’exclusion, envers les enfants et les adolescents noirs, indigènes, sans terre ;violence qui s'exprime dans la société en général, et plus spécifiquement dans l’espace scolaire. Par conséquent, l’un des cheminspour que l’école puisse reconquérir son espace contaminé par la violence, passe par le développement du respect des droits desenfants et des adolescents et par l’appui d'organismes publics chargés du secteur éducationnel et engagés dans des politiquespubliques allant en ce sens. / Our interest about the topic of violence in the school, did not arise by chance, but mainly because we believe that although on thevarious manifestations of violence at school and in the society, against children, something must be done, proposals must besubmitted, alternatives must be constructed. Therefore, we conducted a survey entitled: " Violence in schools: understanding a socialphenomenon in João Pessoa - Paraiba - Brazil " , with the goal of understanding the educational and preventive activities of theproject " School that Protects" to revert to violence against children and adolescents , regardless of color , ethnicity, gender and socialclass in schools on the outskirts of João Pessoa, Paraíba , Brazil . In pursuing of this objective we walked through a qualitativeapproach, taking as reference the authors Robert Bogdan and Sari Bicklei. Data were collected through semi - structured interviewprocess, that allowed us to listen to the stakeholders and, analyzed and understood by content analysis, based on Laurence Bardin.Order to carry on our research we seek theoretically support us with allies like the sociologists , Martine Xiberras , Maffesoli , AlainTouraine and Edgar Morin , Zygmund Bauman , Elias Norbert , Erving Goffman , Howard Saul Becker, the Germanic philosopherHannah Arendt, not forgetting the Brazilian authors, like the educator Paulo Freire and the theologian and philosopher Leonardo Boff, among others. Those authors allowed us in a theoretical grounding, in sociological, philosophical and anthropological aspects, andhelped us to understand the complexity of violence in the form of prejudice, discrimination and exclusion against children andadolescents, black, indian, landless, violence by society in general aspects and particularly in the school environment. Therefore, oneof the ways the school can rebuild your space contaminated by violence is the development of respect for the rights of children andadolescents, and the support of the government agencies responsible for education, with public policies for this purpose.

To understand the persistence of wartime rape that the DRC has experienced during the sixteen years old civil war, this study undertakes a critical analysis of the concept of ‘symbolic violence’ as proposed by Bourdieu. I have suggested that this concept [symbolic violence] as developed by Bourdieu needs other dimensions of definition in order to be applied to other social crises outside the western world. Shaping a link between wartime rape and its symbolic dimensions enables us to clearly articulate that the symbolic order brought through the practice of wartime rape by perpetrators does not remain unchallenged by the dominated who are direct and indirect victims of wartime rape. For this purpose, data were collected from ordinary community members, community leaders; a doctor and nurse form Panzi Hospital, an army General, a lawyer and some NGOs members working in the area of study (Kamanyola)through in-depth interviews. Observation and document analysis have also been used in the process of data collection. As a result the study found that wartime rape, at first, is a threat that perpetrators use to impose their own symbolic power upon males from the enemy groups through the rape of females from the same enemy groups. Therefore, this physical attack [war rape] against females impacts the victims as individuals, the community and the whole nation. This helps to suggest that physical violence is also symbolic violence. This is rendered possible through social and cultural patriarchal norms shared by both victims and perpetrators. As a result, family and community ties as well as marriage – as constitutive elements of the community’s symbolic order – are directly fractured by wartime rape. Forcing women to be economically unproductive was another strategy to undermine community ties which were built through community-based activities. Secondly, the strategic use of war rape comes to counter the idea of symbolic violence as being just soft or an invisible violence but under some circumstances a symbolic violence might produce physical harm.Thirdly, the study found that, patriarchy as the dominant social and cultural order is resisted by the dominated (women respondents in majority) now that it is associated to wartime rape. Because of this, I proposed that symbolic orders are not always taken for granted; they maybe resisted by the dominated. Based on the findings, this research report advocates for a more gender inclusive policy to encourage women to participate in the making of decisions which concern their lives as main victims of wartime rape in DRC generally and in Kamanyola in particular.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of the requirements of degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) Johannesburg, 2015 / This dissertation explores the shifting patterns of institutionalisation of industrial relations and violence in strikes over a period of thirty years, shaped by the transition from apartheid to democracy. It draws from an ethnographic study of Impala Platinum mine between 1982 and 2012 and some analysis of the Lonmin Platinum strike in 2012. It traces the trajectory of institutionalisation from the period of apartheid despotism, the transition to inclusive and participatory industrial relations system, through to the second decade after the democratic transition. The overriding aim of this study which is informed by theories of institutionalisation of industrial relations is to understand how workplace order is attained, sustained, challenged and change overtime. This dissertation argues that the institutionalisation of industrial relations is highly unstable, precarious and generates new forms of conflict and worker solidarity. It is continuously being (re)configured, and violence is part of this making, remaking and unmaking of order. This cycle informs the nature and repertoires of strike violence. This thesis shows the ambiguity of institutionalisation of industrial relations as a source of power. It simultaneously empowers and dis-empowers. It confers rights and at the same time constrains how the rights may be exercised. The broader context shaping the South African labour relations before the democratic transition was informed by apartheid which produced a despotic labour regime and an insurgent trade unionism characterised by various forms of violence. This resulted in institutionalisation of negotiations and recognition of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) at Impala Platinum in Rustenburg. This process of institutionalising industrial relations and bureaucratisation of the union happened in the context of broader national democratic transition and shift to an industrial democracy. The NUM evolved into a dominant and highly institutionalised union at Impala Platinum and nationally. The industrial relations shifted from non-hegemonic to a hegemonic system in which class relations were sustained through consent. Consequently, insurgent trade unionism was institutionalised but ironically crystallised into a class compromise which undermined the attainment of union goals. This simultaneously generated some elements of insurgent trade unionism from below by 2009. The study observed that insurgent trade unionism characterised by informal structures and networks challenging the institutionalisation of industrial relations was renewed or reinvigorated reasserting resistance to the co-option of the union by 2012. The primary contribution of this thesis is that it develops a typology explicating the variations of institutionalisation of industrial relations and violence in strikes over time, capturing different and complex power relations: ‘ideal institutionalisation’, ‘de-institutionalisation’ and ‘re-institutionalisation’. Ideal institutionalisation of industrial relations crystallizes a particular balance of organisational and institutional power and when this is disturbed it may be (re)configured. Ideal institutionalisation is attained and sustained where organisational power commensurate with institutional power. Moreover, if the balance dissipates and or is not sustained, there is bound to be a shift/backlash towards de-institutionalisation or unmaking of institutionalisation of industrial relations. The transition of institutionalisation of industrial relations is a function of power play between capital and labour mediated by the state and tied to worker agency. This thesis sheds light on how worker agency continually changes shaping the industrial relations and how a diverse workforce attempts to overcome divisions and fragmentation through forging solidarity including utilising coercive means, conceptualised as a ‘violent solidarity’. Key words: institutionalisation, strike violence, industrial relations, trade union, insurgent unionism, violence.

La familiarité correspond au sentiment d’avoir déjà rencontré une personne, un lieu, un objet, indépendamment de la capacité à restituer le contexte initiale de cette rencontre. Le sentiment de familiarité peut ainsi être perçu même si le stimulus dont il s’agit n’est pas clairement identifié. Les travaux menés sur la familiarité s’intègrent dans des domaines de recherche assez variables, les principales recherches ayant été réalisées dans le cadre plus général de l’étude de la mémoire de reconnaissance, et dans le cadre de l’étude de la reconnaissance des visages.Des troubles du sentiment de familiarité peuvent avoir des conséquences importantes sur les interactions sociales. De tels troubles ont notamment été rapportés chez des patients présentant des troubles neurologiques (comme la maladie d’Alzheimer) ou psychiatriques (comme la schizophrénie). En fonction de leur sévérité, ces troubles peuvent être à l’origine de troubles graves du comportement, jusqu’à la réalisation de gestes de violence sévères, comme décrits par exemple dans certains troubles délirants de familiarité associés à la schizophrénie.Les objectifs de ce travail de thèse sont donc de clarifier les méthodes d’évaluation de la familiarité afin d’en préciser les corrélats neuronaux, puis chez les patients souffrant de schizophrénie, d’étudier le sentiment de familiarité, et d’évaluer les conséquences des altérations de ce sentiment, principalement en termes de risque de violence.Plusieurs études ont été menées afin de répondre à ces objectifs. Nous avons tout d’abord réalisé différentes méta-analyses des données d’imagerie de la littérature, selon les méthodes d’évaluation employées, pour déterminer avec précision les réseaux cérébraux impliqués dans le traitement de stimuli familiers. Nous avons ensuite développé une méthode d’étude du sentiment de familiarité permettant de quantifier le sentiment de familiarité, et adaptée aux patients présentant des troubles cognitifs, comme les patients souffrants de schizophrénie. L’évaluation de l’association entre les troubles de la familiarité et le risque de violence a été réalisée à partir d’une revue de littérature des descriptions de cas de gestes violents réalisés dans des contextes de troubles de familiarité pour mettre en évidence les facteurs de risque de violence communs à ces situations cliniques. Afin d’objectiver ces données, nous avons également effectué une évaluation clinique systématique des troubles du sentiment de familiarité des patients souffrant de schizophrénie. Cette étude a été réalisée en population carcérale pour permettre une évaluation au sein d’une population particulièrement à risque de violence.A travers les travaux présentés dans cette thèse, nous avons abordé l’étude de la familiarité, du sujet sain au patient de psychiatrie, de l’étude des mécanismes cérébraux à celle des conséquences comportementales. Les résultats de ces travaux confirment l’importance à accorder à l’étude du sentiment de familiarité, et à celle de ses troubles, en particulier dans les populations de patients psychiatriques. / Familiarity is the feeling that provides the experience that a person, an object, a place, has been previously encountered independent of any recollection of the associated details. Thus, the feeling of familiarity may be reached even when the stimulus is not clearly recognized. Familiarity has been studied using various approaches. Major research has been conducted in the context of recognition memory and faces recognition.Familiarity disorders have been described as a failure of affective judgment capable of strongly impacting social interactions. They are notably present in some neurological disorders (such as in Alzheimer’s disease) and psychiatric disorders (such as in schizophrenia). Depending on the symptoms severity, these disorders may lead to serious violent behaviors, as reported in some delusional misidentification disorders related to schizophrenia.The objectives of this work were to clarify the experimental procedures used for familiarity assessment, in order to identify the brain regions that sustain the processing of familiarity. Then, we focused on patients with schizophrenia. Our purpose was to assess the feeling of familiarity in schizophrenia patients, and the consequences of familiarity disorders in these patients on the risk of violence.Several studies have been conducted to meet these objectives. First, we performed separate brain meta-analyses of published neuroimaging data, following the approach employed, in order to determine the brain networks that are involved in the processing of familiarity. Second, we developed an original paradigm for studying the feeling of familiarity that was particularly suited to patients with cognitive disorders, such as patients with schizophrenia. Then, we assessed the association between familiarity disorders and risk of violence by realizing a literature review of published cases of patients having committed violent acts associated to familiarity disorders. Finally, we tried to confirm this association with a systematic evaluation of familiarity disorders of patients with schizophrenia. This last study was conducted in a specific population that was at high-risk of presenting violent behavior, i.e. inmates hospitalized in a psychiatric unit of prison setting.The research presented in this thesis has enabled us to explore familiarity from healthy individuals to psychiatric patients and from the study of neural bases to that of behavioral consequences. The results from these studies confirm the importance to further study familiarity and familiarity disorders, in particular in patients with psychiatric disorders.

La violence conjugale est une problématique préoccupante dans les temps modernes ; l’enfant exposé à cette violence, entre ses parents, trouve des difficultés importantes dans la construction d’un lien d’attachement avec ceux-ci. Le concept d’attachement n’est pas défini par la psychanalyse, il s’invite comme concept articulateur, notamment en ce qui concerne le débat sur le surgissement de la théorie de l’attachement. C’est à l’appui d’un modèle théorico-clinique transversal croisant la théorie de l’attachement et la psychanalyse que cette recherche tente de déterminer dans quelle mesure la violence conjugale altère la qualité du lien d’attachement de l’enfant exposé. La sécurité du lien permet à l’enfant d’explorer l’environnement et de consolider ses représentations, sauf dans le cas d’exposition à la violence conjugale où l’insécurité plane sur le lien de l’enfant avec ces figures d’attachement. Quand le père bat la mère, l’enfant y exposé perçoit une attaque du lien, et la sécurité du lien de l’enfant avec son parent dépend de la sécurité du lien entre les parents. L’exposition à violence conjugale affecte la qualité du lien de l’enfant avec son parent, l’insécurité de l’attachement semble être traumatisante et génère des conflits identificatoires. La violence conjugale altère les capacités représentatives de l’enfant, les figures d’attachement le sidèrent dans un contexte de froideur relationnelle, ils offrent de la haine au lieu de l’amour, de l’insécurité au lieu de la confiance. / The domestic violence is a worrisome problem in modern times; the child exposed to this violence, between his parents, finds important difficulties in the construction of a link of attachment with these. The concept of attachment is not defined by the psychoanalysis, it invites himself as articulator concept, in particular as regards the debate on the appearance of the theory of the attachment. This is in support of a cross-theoretical clinical model crossing the attachment theory and psychoanalysis that this research attempts to determine the extent to which domestic violence alters the quality of the attachment link of the exposed child.Safety of the link allows the child to explore the environment and to strengthen its representations, except in the case of exposure to domestic violence where insecurity hovers over the link between the child and the attachment figures. When the father beats the mother, the child y exposed perceives an attack of the link, and the safety link between the child and his parents depends on the safety of the link between the parents.Exposure to domestic violence affects the quality of the link between the child and his parents, the insecurity of the attachment seems to be traumatic and generates identifying conflicts. Domestic violence distorts the representative capacities of the child, the attachment figures bewilder him in a context of relational coolness, they offer hatred instead of love, insecurity rather than confidence.