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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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[en] CYCLING AS A MODE OF TRANSPORTATION: THE CASE OF RIO DE JANEIRO / [pt] A BICICLETA COMO UM MEIO DE TRANSPORTE URBANO: O CASO DO RIO DE JANEIRO

ALZIRO AZEVEDO CARVALHO NETO 24 July 2015 (has links)
[pt] Este trabalho apresenta uma pesquisa relativa ao tema da mobilidade urbana sustentável, mais especificamente o uso da bicicleta como um meio de transporte urbano. Para esta pesquisa, levantou-se a evolução da tecnologia ao longo dos séculos em especial o desenvolvimento da indústria automobilística no período pós-guerra e identificou-se os principais impactos no território da cidade e seus reflexos nas dinâmicas sociais contemporâneas. A partir disto, foi traçado um panorama dos benefícios da bicicleta como um meio de transporte urbano através de quatro estudos de caso pelo mundo, cada um com suas particularidades: Nova Iorque, Londres, Bogotá e Copenhague. A partir destes exemplos destacaram-se alguns dos principais fatores que influenciam no potencial que uma cidade possui para a utilização da bicicleta como um meio de transporte urbano. Baseado nestes fatores traçou-se um estudo comparativo do Rio de Janeiro dentro de sete categorias de análises distintas: a taxa de motorização; o clima; a segurança e qualidade da malha cicloviária; a integração com outros meios de transporte; as distâncias a serem percorridas; o relevo e a forma urbana; e as políticas de incentivo. / [en] This paper presents a study related to the theme of sustainable urban mobility with a focus on the factors that contribute to the development of a city s potential in regards to the use of the bicycle as a means of urban transportation. For this study, changes in technology over the past centuries, in particular the development of the automobile industry in the postwar period, were examined and main impacts on the city and their reflections in contemporary social dynamics were identified. Based on this, an overview of the benefits of the bicycle as a means of urban transportation was defined employing four case studies from around the world, each with its own peculiarities: New York, London, Bogota and Copenhagen. From these examples, several key factors that influence a city s potential for the use of the bicycles as a means of urban transportation were extracted. Using these factors as a foundation, a comparative study of Rio de Janeiro was performed employing seven different categories of analysis such as: the rate of motorization; the weather; the safety and quality of bicycle paths; integration with other means of transportation; the distances to be traveled; terrain and the urban form; and incentive policies. The impact of the rate of change on the social environment, coupled with the territorial impact of transportation infrastructure, has been gradually reducing, fragmenting and marginalizing the behavior and available space for the pedestrian. As a general consequence, statistics and studies tend to disregard non-motorized transportation as a part of the overall system. This contributed greatly, as pointed out by GRAHAM and MARVIN (2001), to the social drain in transportation planning which initiated in the 1970s. Thus, it is possible to state that the way we commute in a city directly influences not only our perception of the area, but also the way we interact socially. This assumption reinforces the centrality of mobility as a fundamental aspect of a healthy urban environment. The individual who rides in a car does not perceive the important aspects of the urban environment. The car distances the individual from the surroundings and creates a controlled and isolated environment for the passengers. Aspects that define the ambiance of a city such as temperature, sounds, smells and urban textures, go unnoticed when commuting within isolated environments. The same applies to subways, trains and buses, whereas just the opposite occurs when we commute on foot or bicycle. Consequently, the reduction of public space is directly related to the process of technological acceleration, which occurred mainly during the twentieth century, but that began a few years earlier at around 1870. Accordingly, a paradigm shift in transportation planning has become essential. Access to diverse means of transportation, including the bicycle, needs to be promoted. In this context, the use of the bicycle, as a more efficient and affordable means of transportation, has been gaining more importance in urban centers by being able to serve as a complementary infrastructure to the existing mobility network and increasing the penetration in the territory. In addition, the bicycle is an inclusive means of transportation, when we take into account the low investment and maintenance costs, making it widely affordable and highly efficient. However, when analyzing the need of a transportation policy focused on sustainability, we realize that the use of the bicycle as a means of effective transportation has been lacking over the years in Brazil. This discernment becomes clearer when we analyze some of the European cities where bicycle use was amplified and maintained, both on the local and national level, through deliberate action. Although enormous potential to increase bicycle use in the city of Rio de Janeiro does exists, this can only be achieved through the development of a coherent approach. If we take the other main metropolitan regions into consideration, the Greater Rio area has the sixth largest motorization rate in the country following Curitiba, São Paulo, Distrito Federal (DF), Porto Alegre and Belo Horizonte. This is extremely significant. Not surprisingly, the motorization rates of London, Copenhagen and New York are also below their national average. In other words, a motorization rate below the national average could represent potential for the bicycle as a means of urban transportation. Another important factor, the weather, was considered. However, periodic data from cyclists in Rio de Janeiro does not exist making it difficult to assess any variations. In general, for the most part of the year, the weather for biking in the city of Rio de Janeiro is usually favorable. Nonetheless, the summer months are extremely hot and humid. Still, a policy that encourages companies to build changing rooms for employees could be an important incentive for the use of bicycles in the city, even during the hottest times. As previously mentioned, the quality and efficiency of a biking infrastructure is not measured by its length. For example, the extension of the existing network in Rio de Janeiro is comparable to Bogota and Copenhagen; however, its efficiency falls short of the above-mentioned examples. In addition, a relationship does exists between the number of cyclists and the implementation of measures that control traffic speed and prioritize safe, fast, and comfortable access, while at the same time, respect the rights of the cyclists. In Rio de Janeiro, the current infrastructure for cyclists is confusing and inconsistent, ranging from excellent bicycle paths, which serve mainly for cycling as a leisure activity, to precarious pathways that put the riders safety at risk. This in turn generates distrust in regards to the infrastructure and the general functioning of the cycling grid. The bicycle paths around the Lagoon and along the edge of the South Zone are the best examples of well-marked and maintained bicycle paths, while the cycling infrastructure of Botafogo, for example, is confusing, discontinuous and deprived of maintenance. The possibility of using the bicycle in combination with other means of transportation greatly enhances the rider s reach. In Rio de Janeiro, this is still an aspect that is underdeveloped. The bike-sharing system, located almost exclusively in the south zone of the city, has been making strides but still has its glitches. In addition, the use of the bicycles during the week is only permitted up to 21:00, while the use on weekends and holidays has no restrictions. This reinforces the stance of the City Hall and the concessionaires that the bicycle is used more for leisure rather than transportation. From the cyclist s point of view, the distances in Rio de Janeiro are generally shortened. However, the high temperatures during the summer months can reduce these distances to a range of 2 km and 8 km, but the bicycle, as compared to other modes of transportation, can serve as means of transport for shorter trips. In addition to these and other factors, Rio de Janeiro has one crucial factor that stands in the way of implementing an efficient cycling grid: the urban form of the city that is often determined by its terrain. This directly influences the street layout of the city, creating difficult constrictions, as for example, in the case of Botafogo. Aspects involving public policy, regulatory bodies and public awareness also have an impact on urban cycling indices. Municipal Law No. 4,678, which encourages the use of bicycles as a form of urban transportation, establishes overall objectives by compiling a series of good ideas, but lacks solid guidelines regarding the measures to be taken to ensure its execution. Bicycle use incentive policies should be based on studies and technical reports that can quantify the benefits of cycling as a means of urban transportation so that the results of implemented projects can be evaluated and measured. The analysis and monitoring must be executed on a regular basis in order to build a reliable database to assist in decision making. Setting of numerical goals and evaluation of project results was extremely effective in the cases presented. Despite the potential of the city, the reduced quantity of data available to serve as a basis makes the analysis of any future project very difficult. Unlike what takes place in Copenhagen, London, New York and Bogota, this lack of data makes it very difficult to understand the present situation and to prepare a strategic plan based on numerical targets. For example, the government of the city of Rio de Janeiro has few channels for the observation and monitoring of data on non-motorized transportation. This makes it difficult to establish goals and deadlines for improving the infrastructure. We are aware of the problem but do not know the exact cause. We must invest in research and diagnostic tools that allow, over time, for the consolidation of a database that is reliable and easy to access. There is insufficient research and data on traffic accidents involving cyclists and on the economic impacts of the industry that revolves around the bicycle. There is a lack of cyclists associations and an absence of specialized research institutes and transportation department data that effectively considers the bicycle as a means of transportation. Planning, implementation and evaluation of results is crucial in order to progress in the construction of bicycle paths and to encourage cycling as a means of transportation. However, this is a challenge in the city of Rio de Janeiro, mainly due to the lack of collection and systematization of data collected. The potential to transform the city through the use of the bicycle as a means of transportation does exists, but is not taken advantage of.
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[pt] MOBILIDADE URBANA POR TRILHOS: ESTUDO DE VLT EM PETRÓPOLIS – RJ / [en] RAIL SYSTEMS IN URBAN MOBILITY: STUDY OF LRV IN PETRÓPOLIS – RIO DE JANEIRO

FLAVIA DELGADO DE CARVALHO 22 May 2019 (has links)
[pt] A pesquisa analisa a questão do planejamento do transporte público no plano de mobilidade urbana em casos de municípios com população entre 100.001 e 500 mil hab. O estudo de caso desta pesquisa é o município de Petrópolis, com população de 295.917 habitantes, sendo 60.633 habitantes no centro. Investiga-se a criação do pré-metrô, desenvolvido na Bélgica, em parceria com a União Internacional de Transporte Público – UITP, em 1975, implantado e utilizado no projeto do Metrô Rio, em 1977, como sistema alternativo preliminar à implantação do sistema definitivo da Linha 2, mais tarde substituído pelos carros do Metrô Rio, ampliando o sistema de média para alta capacidade. São apresentados critérios para planejamento, projeto e implantação do pré-metrô, com base na metodologia de planejamento integrado de transportes (PIT), desenvolvida sob princípios de equilíbrio social, urbano e ambiental, econômico e técnico-operacional. Esse método sistêmico considera o usuário como parte integrante da solução e propõe o planejamento do transporte com horizonte de longo prazo. À luz dos critérios propostos, o estudo no município de Petrópolis avalia cenários possíveis e soluções ao crescimento da cidade. / [en] This paper discusses modal division strategies adopted by cities with low levels of environmental footprint that are based on sustainable principles. Modal division, characterizes the proportion of total trips captured by each available modal transport alternative and it should be integrated in a strategic systemic vision defined by the municipality such that people s mobility and accessibility is optimized. The lack of modals has to be considered from building sidewalks and bikelanes, concerned how mature the accessibility is, to high capacity infrastructures transportation such as rapid trains or airplanes. The CO2 emissions ought to be taken into consideration so that the city is framed in the World Ranking of cleanest cities with the smallest possible environmental footprint, contributing to the sustainability of the planet. The Light Rail Vehicle, can carry between 9 000 and 30 000 passengers / hour / direction and move as trolleybus in the city with the advantages of coupling 2 to 4 cars simultaneously. The Light Rail Vehicle, also called the VLT uses electric traction and is considered 100 percent clean. This feature brings VLT to a higher position than Bus Rapid Transit - BRT modal and all bus systems that use fossil fuels as an energy source, and does not need to occupy exclusive track for its circulation. The discussion arises in the context of an urban space classified as a compact city.
3

[en] DECARBONIZATION OF THE TRANSPORT SECTOR: COMPARISON OF EMISSONS FROM CONVENTIONAL, HYBRID AND ELECTRIC LIGHT DUTY VEHICLES / [pt] DESCARBONIZAÇÃO DO SETOR DE TRANSPORTE: COMPARAÇÃO DAS EMISSÕES DE VEÍCULOS LEVES CONVENCIONAIS, HÍBRIDOS E ELÉTRICOS

GUILHERME HENRIQUE CASTRO 13 September 2023 (has links)
[pt] A mobilidade urbana possui significativa interação com o meio ambiente, seja através dos recursos extraídos para produção e abastecimento de frotas automotivas ou da poluição promovida pela circulação e descarte de resíduos. Sendo do conhecimento geral que os principais combustíveis utilizados atualmente são oriundos de fontes naturais finitas e de alto impacto ambiental, faz-se necessário a avaliação de outras alternativas de propulsão dos meios de transporte. Dentro dessas condições os veículos elétricos e os veículos movidos à etanol apresentam-se como opções consistentes sob o aspecto sustentável. A abordagem desenvolvida contempla as interações entre as matrizes energéticas e elétricas, as emissões de CO2 dos diferentes tipos de propulsão, tendo em vista o comportamento de cada um desses fatores nos seguintes países: Estados Unidos, Alemanha, China, Japão, Índia e em especial o Brasil. Dessa forma, objetiva-se determinar o tipo de transporte individual com menor grau de emissões de CO2. / [en] The urban mobility has a significant interaction with the environment, it can be through resources extraction to manufacturing and to fuel automobile fleets or by pollution caused by its circulation and the waste disposal. Being common knowledge that the main fuel used nowadays are made of finite natural resources and its environmental impact, it is necessary to evaluate other alternatives to the propulsion of transportation facilities. Regarding these conditions the electrical vehicle and the ethanol powered vehicles presented themselves as consistent options from a sustainable perspective. The approach developed contemplate the interactions between the energetic and electric matrix, the CO2 emissions and the different kind of propulsion, taking care about the behavior of each factor in the following countries: USA, Germany, China, Japan, India and in special, Brazil. Therefore, is aimed to define which kind of transportation has the lower amount of CO2 released in the environment.
4

[en] PLANNING THE RIO DE JANEIRO METRO NETWORK: THE URUGUAI - GÁVEA/JÓQUEI LINE / [pt] PLANEJAMENTO DA REDE DE METRÔ DO RIO DE JANEIRO: LINHA URUGUAI - GÁVEA/JÓQUEI

MARCIA DE MENEZES DE ASSIS GOMES 07 May 2019 (has links)
[pt] A mobilidade urbana tem sido objeto de manifestações e estudos por parte de leigos, acadêmicos, políticos e planejadores urbanos. Nos centros já densamente povoados, o metrô é o único modal capaz de escoar o grande volume de pessoas que necessitam se deslocar nos horários de pico. Entretanto, o retardamento na execução da rede de metrô, no município do Rio de Janeiro, é agravado pelas alterações nos projetos que expõem a carência na utilização das ferramentas de logística disponíveis na tomada de decisão pelos gestores públicos. Os traçados devem reduzir o tempo necessário ao deslocamento e otimizar a redistribuição do fluxo de passageiros. No caso em estudo, essa otimização pode ser obtida com a ligação das estações Uruguai e Gávea/Jóquei, conforme projeto licitado em 1998. Em particular, esta tese avalia uma das linhas de expansão do Metropolitano do Rio de Janeiro, a linha 4, por forma a inferir da sua adequação para melhorar a mobilidade urbana daqueles que se deslocam da Zona Oeste para o Centro, via Zona Sul. A linha 4 será avaliada por oposição a uma linha alternativa que liga as estações Uruguai e Gávea/Jóquei, conforme projeto licitado em 1998 e que permitiria definir uma rede circular. / [en] In recent years, urban mobility has been a major topic of debate among general public, academics, politicians and urban planners. Despite public policy programmes on mobility kick-started by the City Statute (Estatuto das Cidades), the resources invested in Brazil have not produced significant improvement in the quality of public transport in metropolitan areas, culminating instead in mass public demonstrations in June 2013. According to calculations made by the Federation of Industries of the State of Rio de Janeiro (FIRJAN), taking into account loss of production and additional expenditure on fuel, among other variables, the cost of traffic congestion in Rio de Janeiro metropolitan area amounted to 29 billion reais in 2013, the equivalent of 8.2 percent of the area s GDP and higher than the GDP of the states of Piaui and Tocantins. Against this background of increasing urban immobility, investment in public transport, as against private transport, has become a priority.
5

[pt] MOBILIDADE URBANA SUSTENTÁVEL NA REGIÃO ADMINISTRATIVA DE SÃO CRISTÓVÃO, RIO DE JANEIRO / [en] SUSTAINABLE URBAN MOBILITY AT SÃO CRISTÓVÃO NEIGHBORHOOD, IN THE CITY OF RIO DE JANEIRO

ALEXANDRE DE OLIVEIRA BRANDÃO 13 July 2016 (has links)
[pt] A cidade do Rio de Janeiro é protagonista de discussões jornalísticas e acadêmicas acerca de sua condição de centro turístico e cultural do Brasil. Ganham destaque temas relacionados às condições de mobilidade urbana existentes na metrópole. Sobre esse tema há desafios estruturais a superar: superlotação e difícil acesso a estações de ônibus, metrô e trens; congestionamento no trânsito de veículos no qual predomina o uso do veículo individual e precário sistema de sinalização de trânsito. Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as ações que o governo municipal promove para a melhoria do transporte urbano. Como e por quais motivos uma cidade que tem investido maciçamente em vários modais de transporte apresenta ainda tantos problemas nesses serviços? O problema é analisado sob dois pontos de vista: todo o arcabouço legal de que os governantes dispõem para o desenvolvimento do transporte público e a utilização de um Índice de Mobilidade Sustentável (IMS), construído a partir de conceitos que estruturam o referencial teórico apresentado, o qual seria capaz de medir a qualidade do transporte público e também orientar decisões futuras. O recorte do estudo trata da Região Administrativa São Cristóvão (VII Região Administrativa do Rio de Janeiro), área escolhida em virtude da multiplicidade de sua ocupação (moradia, educação, esporte, lazer, saúde, comércio, indústria, passagem entre bairros) e de sua privilegiada localização junto ao Centro da cidade, contando com diversas vias de acesso conferindo-lhe grande potencial logístico intermodal. O aproveitamento de tais características depende de decisões e investimentos públicos. No entanto, o planejamento falho do sistema de transporte carioca é evidenciado pelo resultado do cálculo do IMS específico para São Cristóvão. A baixa qualidade nos meios de transporte disponibilizados é discutida a partir da constatação de fatos como a preferência pelo transporte motorizado individual; engarrafamentos crescentes na região; superlotação dos meios de transporte nos horários de pico; precariedade na acessibilidade aos meios de transporte; e pouca integração entre os modais de transporte na região. / [en] Rio de Janeiro city has a wide range of urban transportation. Subway, trains, buses, bike paths, cable cars and also water transportation. Recently, these modes have been awarded with public investments: expansion of the subway, modernization of railways, construction of dedicated lanes for buses and bicycle paths, and the number of boats on the water transport has increased. However, the improvement in the quality of urban mobility at the city is not perceived. Traffic jams, crashes in urban facilities, overcrowding of public transport and poor conditions of services are part of the public transport problems in the city. This research analyzes the VII Administrative Region São Cristóvão (VII RA-SC), comprising the following neighborhoods: São Cristóvão, Benfica, Mangueira and Vasco da Gama. These places have great passenger capacity of transport modes (train and subway) and also features several bus lines that make the interconnection with the rest of the city and also with nearby cities. The region also has several urban equipment, such as public parks, shopping and leisure centers, hospitals, museums, educational institutions and is also home to large companies in the telecommunications segments, engineering and oil industry. The overall objective of the research is to evaluate the VII RA-SC from the perspective of sustainable urban mobility from an index that incorporates the social, environmental and economic dimensions. The specific objectives for the development of analysis are reviewing the literature on sustainable urban mobility, the existing legal framework, characterization of the existing transport system in the VII RA-SC, modeling and calculation of Urban Mobility Index – São Cristóvão (IMS-SC). The calculation of IMS-SC has limitations due to the unavailability of recent data. Initially, the reporting period was the years 2012 to 2014. However, certain data only have surveys until 2012, therefore, researched period is between the years 2010 and 2012. The subject Urban Mobility can be subdivided into four sub-items: definition the concepts of Urban Mobility and Sustainable Urban Mobility, establish the connection between land use and planning of transport, defining the macroaccessbility and microaccesbility concepts and presentation of the legal framework in planning public transport in Brazil. Thus, draws up a panel of concepts on the subject and how the public planning has been organized according to the new concepts that have been introduced in the thematic discussion.
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[en] INTERACTION, TECHNOLOGY AND URBAN MOBILITY: ACTIVITIES AND ACTIONS IN MULTIPARTICIPATION ON TWITTER AND FACEBOOK / [pt] INTERAÇÃO, TECNOLOGIA E MOBILIDADE URBANA: ATIVIDADES E AÇÕES EM MULTIPARTICIPAÇÃO NO TWITTER E FACEBOOK

MARCO AURELIO SILVA SOUZA 21 July 2017 (has links)
[pt] Esta tese investiga a interação mediada pela tecnologia, a partir de mensagens produzidas e compartilhadas por cidadãos da região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro no Twitter e no Facebook, com foco na mobilidade urbana, em seus deslocamentos no trânsito e no transporte público e privado. Os objetivos deste estudo buscam: i) realizar um exame analítico das atividades e ações na sequência conversacional, descrevendo como são produzidas e interpretadas pelos participantes; ii) analisar os papéis que o cidadão e as ferramentas tecnológicas desempenham interacionalmente em uma estrutura de multiparticipação; iii) refletir sobre como as atividades e ações que surgem nas conversas virtuais se relacionam à vida social urbana. O estudo está baseado nos suportes teóricos da Análise da Conversa, no contexto virtual, que informam sobre tomadas de turno, atividades e ações, nos conceitos da Sociolinguística Interacional, no âmbito da estrutura de participação e dos papéis dos participantes na produção e interpretação dos enunciados, e nos estudos da ordem social sobre a mobilidade urbana em grandes cidades. A metodologia é qualitativa e interpretativa. Os dados consistem de conversas públicas registradas nas páginas das redes sociais do BRT Rio, do Metrô Rio, do O Dia 24 Horas e da SuperVia, onde os participantes interagem entre si e com as empresas. As mensagens foram selecionadas de acordo com as ações que implementam, contextualizadas no universo da mobilidade urbana. A análise dos dados indica que: i) a disposição dos turnos nas sequências não-ordenadas de encadeamento das postagens demanda novas estratégias de produção de ações na organização da interação, e as expectativas dos participantes se definem a partir da escolha de qual turno anterior realizarão uma ação em sequência; ii) nestas ações surgem interpretações como a de solicitação e fornecimento de informação, notificação, elogio, agradecimento, reclamação, sugestão, insulto, crítica ou de não-responder; iii) motoristas e passageiros desempenham um papel coletivo ao interagir neste ambiente, onde a estrutura de participação torna-se mais complexa ao converter todos os participantes em falantes potenciais e ouvintes ratificados, simultâneos e alternados, configurando padrões de organização social de interação multiparticipativa. O estudo destas novas formas tecnologicamente mediadas de comunicação, com foco na mobilidade urbana em uma grande cidade, atualiza os conceitos acerca dos modelos de interação face a face, do papel do cidadão neste processo e dos fenômenos sociais contemporâneos situados. / [en] This thesis investigates the interaction mediated by technology, from messages produced and shared by the citizens of the Rio de Janeiro on Twitter and Facebook, focusing on urban mobility, during their movements in traffic and in public and private transportation. The objectives of the study seeks to: i) perform an analytical examination of the activities and actions in the conversational sequence, describing how participants produce and interpret them; ii) analyze the roles that citizen and social network technologies play interactively in a multi participation framework; iii) reflect on how the activities and actions that arise from virtual conversation are related to urban social life. The study is based on the theoretical concepts of Conversation Analysis, in the virtual context, via new technologies, which inform about turn-taking, activities and actions, Interactional Sociolinguistics, in the scope of participation framework and participants roles in the production and interpretation of the utterances, and the studies of the social order upon urban mobility in big cities. The methodology is qualitative and interpretive. The data consist of public conversations from the social network pages of BRT Rio, Metro Rio, O Dia 24 Horas and SuperVia, where participants interact with each other and with the companies. The messages were selected according to the actions they implement, contextualized in the universe of urban mobility. The analysis of the data indicates: i) the arrangement of the turns in the unordered sequences of post demands new producing actions strategies on the organization of the interaction, and the expectations of the participants are defined from the choice of which previous turn they will perform an action in sequence; ii) ii) in these actions, different interpretations arise, such as requesting and providing information, notification, praise, thanks, complaint, suggestion, insult, criticism or non-response; iii) drivers and passengers play a collective role in interacting in this environment, where the participation framework becomes more complex by converting all participants into simultaneous and alternated potential speakers and ratified listeners , setting patterns of multiparticipative social organization of interaction. These new technologically mediated forms of communication, focusing on the urban mobility in a big city, update the concepts about face to face interaction models, the citizen s role in this process and the situated contemporary social phenomena.
7

[pt] IMPACTOS DA IMPLANTAÇÃO DO TELEFÉRICO COMO SISTEMA DE TRANSPORTE NAS FAVELAS: O CASO DO COMPLEXO DO ALEMÃO / [en] IMPACTS OF THE DEPLOYMENT OF CABLE CAR AS TRANSPORT IN SLUMS: THE CASE OF THE COMPLEXO DO ALEMÃO

29 October 2021 (has links)
[pt] Esta pesquisa disserta sobre as soluções de mobilidade urbana em favelas de encostas como parte integrante do planejamento urbano, tendo como foco a implantação do sistema de transporte teleférico e como estudo de caso, o teleférico do Complexo do Alemão. Inicialmente é apresentado um panorama histórico das intervenções do poder público nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro e como se desenvolveu a mobilidade urbana nessas áreas. Em seguida, é exposto o problema da mobilidade nas favelas e a implantação de equipamentos alternativos de transportes. Os Projetos de implantação do teleférico Metrocable em Medellín, o teleférico de San Augustín em Caracas, o teleférico do morro da Providência e o projeto para o teleférico da favela da Rocinha são expostos como exemplos desse sistema. No Estudo de caso, foram analisados os impactos da implantação do teleférico no Complexo do Alemão, sua eficiência e principalmente, os custos de execução, operação e os custos sociais. Considera-se que o impacto estudado é moldado por análises contextuais, avaliações empíricas de visitas ao local, entrevistas com os moradores e usuários do sistema em questão, conteúdos bibliográficos e análise de indicadores. / [en] This research is on urban mobility solutions in favelas (slums) on hills as an integral part of urban planning. With a focus on the implementation of cable cars as transport systems, this research examines the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão as a case study which is located on the north side of the city of Rio de Janeiro. In Chapter 1, the research outlines the problem of poverty and absence of urban planning in Brazilian cities, which has intensified since the 1950s because of the rapid influx of migrants in search for work in the great economic city centers. Currently in Rio de Janeiro, 22 per cent of the population lives in favelas. The population of the favelas grew disproportionally in the last two decades, four times more than the population of the officially recognized areas of the city. The problem of housing in the favelization process of the city is aggravated by poor sanitation, violent conflicts, problems with security and safety, a lack of public services, poor access, precarious urban mobility, irregular services like illegal connections to electricity, among other problems. Additionally, there is the overarching problem of urban mobility. Spatial segregation makes it difficult for low-income populations to move from one place to another and is mainly due to the historical selection of occupations in isolated and peripheral areas of the city. The problem of mobility is further aggravated by underdeveloped transitional areas between the rural and urban parts of the city especially when, like in the case of this research, those populations occupy areas with steep hills. The chapter continues by tracing a history of public policies affecting the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, from the first removal of tenement houses in the city center in the nineteenth century, to the developmental policies of today. The chapter follows the formation of the first favelas with an occupation organized by the people who were removed from tenement houses and who needed to live near the economic city centers, the eventual expansion to other areas, the first removal policies for temporary housing and subsequently a more rigid posture of the state in regard to favelas. The 1960s and 1970s were periods marked by the removal and political denial of favelas, it was only in the 1980s that the state began to provide public policies to improve favelas. Thus, there has been a gradual acceptance of these occupations in the landscape of the city. Beyond the social problems aforementioned, Chapter 2 points more specifically to the problems of mobility in favelas on hills because of high building density, risks of landslides and precarious road access. In Rio de Janeiro, the state started to intervene in regard to the issue of mobility in favelas during the first term of Leonel Brizola (1983-1987), with the construction of the Inclined Plane in the Pavão Pavãozinho favela. But it was not until the Favela Bairro program that mobility initiatives were executed on a much wider scale, the program initiated walkways and improved stairs which greatly increased accessibility and the flow of traffic on road networks. With an urbanization policy for favelas in motion, other urban mobility transport systems were established, like the inclined plane on the Hill of Santa Marta in 2008 and the elevator of Cantagalo in 2010. While these transport systems assert the presence of the state in marginal communities, the daily transportation of the residents are mainly local options like vans and motorcycle taxis which continue to play a fundamental role and also contribute to the local economy. This generates income for residents because many of the people working with this type of transport also live in the favelas. The chapter then describes cable car technology and looks at specific examples of cable cars built or planning to be built in the favelas of Latin America. The lines of Medellin are used as an example because they inspired so many others like San Agustín in Caracas, Complexo do Alemão in Rio de Janeiro, Providencia in Rio de Janeiro and the cable car project of Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. The city of Medellin for many years suffered from violence generated by drug trafficking and came to be known in the early 90s as one of the most violent cities in the world. The high murder rate and violence receded after a series of investments that occurred in the city, mainly investments towards urbanization, education and security. The urban planning of Medellin was based on major public interventions through specific projects in the poorest sectors of the city. Initially structured around the cable cars, called Metrocables, and spatially articulated with other projects extended to formal sectors of the city, known as Urban Integral Projects (Proyectos Urbanos Integrales-PUIs), the aim of these initiatives was to connect various urban spaces. One of the characteristics of these projects was the emphasis on aesthetics as an engine for social change. This aesthetic quality to the new cable cars resulted in an increase of residents self-esteem but was also criticized for its stark contrast with poor local reality. In 2004, the Line K of the cable car was constructed in Comunas 1 and 2, and initiated an urban planning of the city based on the theory of Social Urbanism, with several projects aimed at improving infrastructure and education in favelas. In 2010, Line K was supplemented by a transfer to the Line L, which goes to the Arvi Park, an ecological park created on the border of a green area to Comuna 1, stimulating tourism. There is also Line J which meets Comunas 7 and 13, inaugurated in 2008. Medellín has become a model for other cities to adopt the cable car system for transportation in favelas. One example was the cable car of San Agustín in Caracas, designed as an important integrator between the favela and the rest of the city. In January 2010, the system started was connected to the subway. In contrast to Medellin, the Metrocable system in Caracas is characterized with large stations that integrate cultural facilities, sports arenas, and shopping centers together in one convenient location. The estimated daily demand during the planning stages of the project was 15 thousand passengers. Approximately 40,000 people live in San Augustin which means that the demand estimate would amount to 37.5 per cent of the residents. The data in 2012 showed that only 4,500 passengers use the system daily, about three times less than expected, showing that the cable car, which cost 318 million dollars, is being underutilized. In Rio de Janeiro, in the favela Morro da Providência, there is a cable car built and because the favela is considered the first favela in Rio, current projects by the municipal government show that there is interest in promoting tourism and to integrate it with the dynamics of cultural and historical revitalization of the port area and the cable car is the vehicle proposed for this purpose. However, the Hill of Providence (Morro da Providência) is suffering from forced evictions, mainly due to the Morar Carioca project, an urban program of the city government. These interventions have not been discussed with the residents and involve the demolition of nearly half of the residences. The idea is to replace the residences with a historical and cultural center in the favela. According to the city administration, about 42 houses block, in the context of urban landscape, the view of the chapel located at the highest point of the hill and thus those 42 houses would have to be removed. Although the construction of the cable car has also caused the removal of a few houses, its implementation is linked more with tourism in the favela. Various resident led protests organized with activists and supported by critical news sources released in Brazil and abroad, put the Hill of Providence in the spotlight as an example of the negative impact of mega-events on the poor. Consequently, after the injunction obtained in a lawsuit, the projects in the community are at a standstill and the houses that were scheduled to be removed remain standing. In Rocinha, the PAC 2 (Accelerating Growth Program is a federal program that has as the main objective the development of the country through the planning and execution of large urban infrastructure, works in the transportation sector and the energy sector) provides for the cable car installation, an elevator, escalators, and other mobility infrastructure. This project is very controversial because the cable car project has an estimated budget of 700 million reais, an amount that would consume approximately 44 per cent of the total amount available for the PAC 2. Most debate is on the residents priorities, which if considered would require that the funds be applied to the sanitation of the favela, which the current project does not guarantee. In the project under study, the cable car will connect to the future subway station of Line 4 in São Conrado to the top of the favela and have 6 stations distributed in two lines, 2,500 meters long. This would be the third cable car built in the favelas of the city, reflecting a state trend to adopt this transportation method in favelas. It seems that cable cars are more than a modal of mass transport, but also as a way to enter favelas as a new tourist attraction of the city. In Chapter 3, the case study is presented about the cable car of Complexo do Alemão, an integral part of PAC. The cable car was built with 3.4 km in length, 152 cabins half of which are in regular operation, while the other half is parked. The system has six stations and the capacity to carry 30,000 passengers daily. The path between the first transfer station with the train, the Bonsucesso Station, and the last stop, the Palmeiras Station, is traversed in about 20 minutes. Using other means of transport, the time to travel the distance between these two places is about 40 minutes. The six stations are located on the tops of hills that form the intricacies of the favelas and therefore, many residents complain about the accessibility of the system. For those who live far away and do not see advantage in climbing the hill to use the system, it is more common to use van or motorcycle taxis to move around. This is the main reason that the cable car is underused even though residents are entitled to two free trips per day. According to the Supervia, which operates the system, the daily movement of people is about 10,000 to 11,000 people, but, as we reported, the equipment has been design for a capacity of 30,000 passengers per day. The construction of the cable car cost the government R$ 210 million, equivalent to 22.35 per cent of the total PAC work in Complexo do Alemão, and the operating cost is about 50.1 million reais a year. What we can conclude is that the cable car has a relatively high operating cost for low use by residents, and it is also expensive to build. The high investment in the cable car is not justified when there are still major problems to be solved in favelas. One of the main complaints made by residents is the lack of investments in priority areas, such as basic sanitation. As part of this research a survey was given to 50 residents. When asked if the resources used to cable car execution, being very high, could be implemented in other areas, 74 per cent said yes. Among the responses on areas where resources should be invested, they pointed mainly to sanitation, health and education. Some health problems in the favelas worsened while tourism has increased with the use of the cable car. Also according to the data from the Supervia, the percentage of passengers with gratuities, i.e. registered residents using the cable car during the week is 75 per cent and the percentage of those who paid the fare, mostly tourists, is 25 per cent. On weekends, the number of visitors almost doubled: 54 per cent of gratuities and 46 per cent of tourists. The cable car has always had a tourist appeal due to its comfort and excitement by offering the experience of getting a suspended adventure of great heights with a privileged view of the favela landscape. This also happens with the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão, but in another context, within a patrimonialization effort of those spaces. The research makes clear that even with the difficulties within a space precariously built, mobility solutions that were initially created by the residents are still the most used, for example, the alternative transport system like vans and motorcycle taxis. To establish that the cable car is the solution for urban mobility on slopes of slums is quite questionable, as each case requires a specific and detailed study. In the case of the Complexo do Alemão, for example, both positive and negative factors were found. On the one hand the cable car considerably reduced the Bonsucesso travel time to some community points and provided connection with the train, on the other, the number of users contained does not justify its high cost. It is also clear that the general population in favelas want more primary rights met like access to health care, the installation of sewer systems, and competent schools as their priority.
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[pt] CIDADE SEM CATRACAS: PENSANDO A CIDADE DA LIVRE CIRCULAÇÃO / [en] CITY WITHOUT RATCHETS: THINKING THE CITY OF FREE CIRCULATION

ISABEL THEES CASTRO 20 September 2016 (has links)
[pt] Fixos e fluxos. A grande cidade é um fixo enorme, cruzado por fluxos enormes. O que acontece quando a ordem desses fixos e fluxos é subvertida? Qual a espacialidade de uma cidade cuja ocupação de seu território e circulação não sejam guiados e estabelecidos pela lógica da funcionalidade e pelos imperativos da circulação do valor? Em junho de 2013 cerca de 388 cidades brasileiras foram palco de manifestações populares cujo estopim foi o aumento da tarifa do transporte público. No entanto, a demanda extrapolava a reivindicação pela revogação do aumento. A demanda era também pelo direito à cidade, direito à livre circulação e acesso a tudo o que a cidade oferece. O Movimento Passe Livre, articulador dos protestos que ficaram conhecidos como Jornadas de Junho, coloca a questão urbana, da mobilidade e também da disputa do espaço nas cidades na pauta política do país. O movimento pensa na cidade, na sua ocupação e circulação. Uma circulação inclusiva, uma circulação que permite o desvendamento, o uso e a apropriação da cidade. Uma imaginação urbana que subverte sua lógica de ocupação espacial em um grau de utopia que não vem do urbanismo e da arquitetura. O objetivo geral desse estudo é contrapor diferentes ideias de cidade tendo como fim a definição da noção de cidade subjacente nas propostas do Movimento Passe Livre. / [en] Fixed and flows. The big city is a huge fixed, crossed by huge flows. What happens when the order of these fixed and flows is subverted? What is the spatiality of a city in which the occupations of its territory, as well as its circulation, are not established by the logics of functionality and imperatives of movement of value? On June, 2013, around 388 Brazilian cities were the theater of riots in which the main focus were the public transportations tariff raise. However, the claims have overcome the revocation of such raises. The claims were also for rights to the city, free circulation and access to whatever the city may offer. Movimento Passe Livre – MPL, the main perpetrator of the riots, which were also called Jornadas de Junho puts the urban question of mobility and also the space competition at the Country s political agenda. MPL approaches the city, its occupation and circulation. An inclusive circulation, that allows the unveiling, usage and appropriation of the city. An urban idealized view, subverting the logics of occupation in such an utopia that does not belong to urbanism or architecture. The main objective of this work is to interpose different city concepts aiming to define the city envisaged by MPL.
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[en] ACTIVE MOBILITY: CONDITION OF URBAN SUSTAINABILITY IN THE HISTORIC STREETS OF SÃO JOSÉ – RECIFE / [pt] MOBILIDADE ATIVA: CONDICIONANTE DA SUSTENTABILIDADE URBANA NAS VIAS HISTÓRICAS DO BAIRRO DE SÃO JOSÉ – RECIFE

MARIA CYNTHIA DE ARAUJO URBANO 18 May 2023 (has links)
[pt] A mobilidade urbana faz parte de um complexo sistema de infraestrutura, provocando problemas insustentáveis tais como congestionamento, poluição sonora, poluição atmosférica em áreas densamente urbanizadas, como centros urbanos, e resulta em prejuízos no conforto ambiental urbano. Na busca de uma sustentabilidade urbana, ações favoráveis são necessárias à mobilidade urbana e o conceito de mobilidade ativa surge a favor da priorização do deslocamento das pessoas através de meios de transportes não motorizados. Nesse contexto, leva ao objetivo da dissertação, que no atual cenário da mobilidade urbana nas vias do bairro de São José, na cidade do Recife, é identificar medidas para melhorar as condições de acessibilidade e de conforto ambiental urbano para o incentivo da mobilidade ativa. Tais vias pertencem ao Sítio Histórico da cidade, no conjunto de Zonas Especiais de Patrimônio Histórico-Cultural (ZEPH). Através do levantamento de campo, a metodologia aplicada tende a identificar as ameaças e oportunidades para incentivar a mobilidade ativa observando as condições de acessibilidade nos quesitos de rota acessível, as condições de conforto ambiental urbano referentes aos índices de ruídos, emissões de material particulado e conforto térmico, expondo os dados qualitativos e quantitativos obtidos. A pesquisa busca apresentar a mobilidade ativa como uma ação sustentável favorável à redução dos impactos socioeconômicos, ambientais e nas possíveis melhorias da acessibilidade para caminhabilidade nas vias históricas do bairro de São José, priorizando o pedestre e incentivando a mudança de comportamento do seu deslocamento diário, além de usufruir o bairro como ambiente patrimonial e cultural. / [en] Urban mobility is part of a complex infrastructure system, causing unsustainable problems such as congestion, noise pollution, air pollution in densely urbanized areas, such as urban centers, and results in damage to urban environmental comfort. In the search for urban sustainability, favorable actions are necessary for urban mobility and the concept of active mobility emerges in favor of prioritizing the displacement of people through non-motorized means of transport. In this context, it leads to the aim of the dissertation, which in the current scenario of urban mobility on the streets of the São José neighborhood, in the city of Recife, is to identify measures to improve accessibility conditions and urban environmental comfort to encourage active mobility. Such roads belong to the Historic Site of the city, in the set of Special Zones of Historical-Cultural Heritage (ZEPH). Through the field survey, the applied methodology tends to identify the threats and opportunities to encourage active mobility, observing the conditions of accessibility in terms of an accessible route, the conditions of urban environmental comfort related to noise rates, emissions of particulate matter and comfort thermal, exposing the qualitative and quantitative data obtained. The research seeks to present active mobility as a sustainable action that favors the reduction of socioeconomic and environmental impacts and possible improvements in accessibility for walkability in the historic streets of the São José neighborhood, prioritizing pedestrians and encouraging a change in their daily commute behavior, in addition to enjoying the neighborhood as a heritage and cultural environment.
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[pt] A DIMENSÃO DA SEGREGAÇÃO DAS INFRAESTRUTURAS DE MOBILIDADE: O CASO DA AVENIDA BRASIL / [en] THE DIMENSION OF MOBILITY INFRASTRUCTURE SEGREGATION: THE CASE OF AVENIDA BRASIL

MATEUS SAMPAIO FREINKEL RODRIGUES 13 October 2020 (has links)
[pt] É senso comum na literatura sobre mobilidade urbana, a abordagem dos aspectos positivos das infraestruturas de mobilidade, pela possibilidade que elas têm de conectar os espaços urbanos. Afim de promover um debate crítico acerca desses elementos, a dissertação visa apontar a dimensão da segregação das Infraestruturas de mobilidade, explorando dois aspectos: 1. o da segregação socioespacial, numa escala de cidade e metrópole, abordando a dicotomia centro-periferia, e 2. da segregação da forma urbana, numa escala de bairro, seja pela presença de tecidos urbanos dispersos e fragmentados, como por novas e diferentes escalas dos conjuntos edificados no entorno de algumas infraestruturas de mobilidade. Para tal, a pesquisa ancora-se no objeto da Avenida Brasil, importante via expressa construída na década de 40, que cruza a cidade do Rio de Janeiro de uma ponta a outra, servindo como um dos eixos estruturantes na ocupação da zona oeste. Em sua extensão, encontram-se diversos modos de ocupações, relacionados a diferentes dimensões de segregação. Uma análise comparativa, baseada em três padrões de ocupações distintos de habitações de baixa renda e seu entorno tem, por fim, o objetivo de medir os impactos da segregação em determinados trechos. / [en] It is common sense in the urban mobility, literature to address the positive aspects of mobility infrastructures because of their ability to connect urban spaces. In order to promote a critical debate about these elements, the dissertation aims to point out the dimension of segregation on mobility infrastructures, exploring two aspects: that of socio-spatial segregation, on a city and metropolis scale, addressing the center-periphery dichotomy, and the segregation of the urban form, on a neighborhood scale, either by the presence of scattered and fragmented urban fabrics, as well as by new and different scales of buildings built around the mobility infrastructures. Then, the research is based on the object of Avenida Brasil, an important expressway built in the 1940s, which crosses the city of Rio de Janeiro from one end to the other, serving as one of the structuring axes in the occupation of the west zone. In its extension, there are several modes of occupations, related to different dimensions of segregation. A comparative analysis, based on three distinct occupational patterns of low-income housing and its surroundings, is ultimately intended of to measure the impacts of segregation on stretches.

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