Le recenti trasformazioni dei sistemi politici suggeriscono la necessità di ripensare il rapporto fra l’ideale democratico e il concetto di qualità. I mutamenti e le pretese della rappresentanza politica, infatti, appaiono sempre più inconciliabili con le teorie che, fino a pochi decenni fa, apparivano granitiche e (quasi) immodificabili. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di argomentare tali assunti, non senza prima soffermarsi su alcune questioni preliminari: a livello teorico, cosa si deve intendere per qualità? Quale rapporto può realisticamente intrattenere con il sistema democratico? E, quindi, la qualità può essere selezionata? Le risposte a simili quesiti passano attraverso un approfondimento del rapporto (inevitabile) fra i governanti e i governati, considerato il canale più affidabile per osservare la ‘qualità’ come idea-concetto e per percepire gli effettivi cambiamenti che proietta sulla rappresentanza politica. / The recent transformations of political systems suggest the need to rethink the relationship between the democratic ideal and the concept of quality. Indeed, changes and demands in political representation look increasingly incompatible with the theories that seemed lasting and (almost) immutable until a few decades ago. The aim of this dissertation is to discuss these assumptions, after dwelling on some preliminary questions. At the theoretical level, what is quality? Which relationship can it realistically have with the democratic system? And, therefore, can quality be selected? To answers such questions, the dissertation goes through an in-depth analysis of the (inevitable) relationship between rulers and the ruled. This relationship is considered the most reliable channel both to observe ‘quality’ as an idea-concept and to perceive the actual changes that it projects on political representation.

Cette thèse porte sur le comportement des élites politiques durant les périodes de crise nationale et plus particulièrement sur leurs réactions aux attentats terroristes. Elle démontre que les crises terroristes sont tout comme les conflits militaires ou diplomatiques propices aux unions nationales et notamment aux ralliements des partis d’opposition auprès du gouvernement. L’analyse statistique d’actes terroristes s’étant produits dans cinq états démocratiques (Allemagne, Espagne, États-Unis d’Amérique, France et Royaume-Uni) entre 1990 et 2006 révèle que l’ampleur d’un attentat en termes de pertes humaines ainsi que la répétition de ces attentats influencent dans une large mesure la réaction des élites politiques. Ainsi plus l’ampleur d’un attentat est élevée, plus la probabilité d’un ralliement est grande. En revanche, la multiplication des attentats augmente la possibilité de dissension entre l’opposition et le gouvernement. Par ailleurs, l’opposition est plus susceptible de se rallier au gouvernement lorsque l’attentat est perpétré par des terroristes provenant de l’étranger. L’analyse quantitative indique également que l’existence d’un accord formel de coopération dans la lutte antiterroriste entre le gouvernement et l’opposition favorise l’union des élites. Enfin, les données analysées suggèrent que la proportion des ralliements dans les cinq pays est plus importante depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Une analyse qualitative portant exclusivement sur la France et couvrant la période 1980-2006 confirme la validité des variables identifiées dans la partie quantitative, mais suggère que les élites réagissent au nombre total de victimes (morts mais aussi blessés) et que la répétition des actes terroristes a moins d’impact lors des vagues d’attentats. Par ailleurs, les analyses de cas confirment que les élites politiques françaises sont plus susceptibles de se rallier quand un attentat vise un haut-fonctionnaire de l’État. Il apparaît également que les rivalités et rancœurs politiques propre à la France (notamment suite à l’arrivée de la gauche au pouvoir en 1981) ont parfois empêché le ralliement des élites. Enfin, cette analyse qualitative révèle que si l’extrême gauche française soutient généralement le gouvernement, qu’il soit de gauche ou de droite, en période de crise terroriste, l’extrême droite en revanche saisit quasi systématiquement l’opportunité offerte par l’acte terroriste pour critiquer le gouvernement ainsi que les partis de l’establishment. La thèse est divisée en sept chapitres. Le premier chapitre suggère que le comportement des élites politiques en période de crises internationales graves (guerres et conflits diplomatiques) est souvent influencé par la raison d’État et non par l’intérêt électoral qui prédomine lors des périodes plus paisibles. Le second chapitre discute du phénomène terroriste et de la littérature afférente. Le troisième chapitre analyse les causes du phénomène d’union nationale, soumet un cadre pour l’analyse de la réaction des élites aux actes terroristes, et présente une série d’hypothèses. Le quatrième chapitre détaille la méthodologie utilisée au cours de cette recherche. Les chapitres cinq et six présentent respectivement les résultats des analyses quantitatives et qualitatives. Enfin, le chapitre sept conclut cette thèse en résumant la contribution de l’auteur et en suggérant des pistes de recherche. / This thesis focuses on the behaviour of political elites during periods of national crisis and particularly on their reactions to acts of terrorism. It demonstrates that terrorist crises, much like military and diplomatic conflicts, represent a fertile ground for rallies around the flag. The statistical analysis of terrorist events that occurred in five democracies (France, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States of America) from 1990 to 2006 indicates that the magnitude of the attack in terms of fatalities and the repetition of attacks influence in large measures the reaction of the political elite. The higher the magnitude is, the more likely the rally. However, the repetition of attacks increases the likelihood of dissention between opposition and government. Moreover, the opposition is more likely to support the government when the attack is perpetrated by terrorists originating from abroad. The quantitative analysis also indicates that the existence of a formal antiterrorist pact between government and opposition increases the likelihood of a rally. Finally, the data suggest that elites are more likely to rally around the flag since the events of 9/11. A qualitative analysis focusing solely on France and examining cases from the period 1980-2006 confirms the validity of the variables identified in the quantitative part but suggests that elites react to the total number of victims (including wounded) and that the repetition has less impact during waves of attacks. Furthermore, the case studies confirm that French political elites are particularly prone to rally when high-ranking representatives of the state fall victim to the terrorists. In addition, it appears that political rivalries and resentment (in particular following the Left’s return to power in 1981) have on occasion thwarted the rallying of elites. Finally, this analysis indicates that whereas the far-left generally supports the government (left-wing or right-wing), the far-right uses almost every opportunity to criticize the government and the parties of the establishment. The thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter one suggests that during intense foreign policy crises (military and diplomatic) the behaviour of the political elite is often influenced by the national interest, rather than the electoral interest that predominates in quieter periods. Chapter two discusses the terrorist phenomenon and the corresponding literature. Chapter three analyses the rally-around-the-flag phenomenon, lays out a framework for analysing the reaction of elites, and presents a series of hypotheses. Chapter four details the methodology used. Chapters five and six present respectively the results of the quantitative and qualitative analyses. Finally, chapter seven concludes with a summary of the author’s contribution and suggests avenues of research.

Ce travail de recherche a pour but d'apporter des éléments théoriques ainsi que pratiques au débat sur le causes et conséquences de la politisation des deux hauts tribunaux en Colombie, à fin d'enrichir la discussion. Concrètement, cette thèse doctorale analyse la manière dont les hauts juges sont élus et les conséquences les plus visibles de ces processus de sélection. A partir d'une analyse quantitative et qualitative, cette étude explore la façon dont l'autonomie de juges est conditionnée par le processus qu'ils suivent pour être élus. Pour conclure, cette thèse se penche aussi sur l'état actuel du bilan entre l'indépendance des juges et leur responsabilité vis-à-vis de leur fonction. / This researching work intends to provide theoretical and practical elements to enrich the debate about the causes and consequences of the politicization of two high tribunals in Colombia. In fact, this doctoral project analyses the way the election of the high judges is carried out and the respective consequences of these selection processes. Throughout a quantitative and qualitative analysis, we explore the way the autonomy of the judges is conditioned by their election process. Finally, the current state of the assessment between independence and responsibility of the judges is also tackled.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les liens entretenus entre les sociétés politiques de Dijon et de Lille et le pouvoir princier sous les deux derniers ducs de Bourgogne (1419-1477), en interrogeant la manière dont les bourgeois l’ont apprécié en termes d’opportunité, se sont associés au fonctionnement de l’État princier et investis au service du prince. Toutes deux capitales d’un ensemble multipolaire de principautés dont elles sont deux des principales villes francophones, Dijon et Lille appartiennent à deux espaces géopolitiques diversement intégrés (le premier, marginal ; l’autre, central) et rarement observés ensemble. L’analyse, portée à partir des milieux dirigeants, souligne l’originalité avec laquelle ces liens s’établissent. Les dijonnais sont étroitement associés à l’exercice du pouvoir princier, là où les Lillois séparent strictement implication municipale et service du prince, mais sont étroitement liés à l’entourage ducal. La sociologie du pouvoir municipal comme des éléments de contexte régional expliquent les différences remarquées. Au-delà de ces différences, l’investissement bourgeois, qui s’articule à un ensemble d’activités parmi lesquelles l’exercice du pouvoir municipal reste toujours décisif, participe à l’évolution des sociétés urbaines, et, amorçant leur intégration à une société politique d’ordre territorial, et induit une adaptation pragmatique des pratiques politiques des Villes. La disparition de Charles le Téméraire confirme cette capacité d’adaptation des sociétés bourgeoises, qui réorientent à leur profit vers de nouveaux pouvoirs les liens élaborés auprès des ducs de Bourgogne. / This PhD thesis is about the relationship between political societies of Dijon and Lille and princely power under the last two dukes of Burgundy (1419-1477) studying the manner the citizens felt it in terms of appropriateness and how they associated to the princely state and got involved in serving it. Both capitals of a multipolar body of principalities of which they are two of the main French-speaking towns, Dijon and Lille belong to two geopolitical, diversely integrated areas (the former marginal, the latter central) and seldom observed together. The analysis seen from the ruling circles emphasizes the originality with which their links work out. The inhabitants of Dijon are closely associated with the prince’s exercising of power whereas the inhabitants of Lille strictly separate town implication from prince service though both closely related to the ducal entourage. The municipal power sociology together with regional context elements can explain those observed differences. Beyond them, the citizens investment, which is articulated to a set of activities among which the town exercise of power always remains decisive, takes part in urban societies development and initiating their integration in a political territorial society, induces a pragmatic adaptation of town practical politics. The death of Charles the Bold confirms this ability of bourgeois societies to adapt themselves and redirect the ties built with the dukes of Burgundy towards new powers for their benefit.

Qu'est-ce qui amène un pays, à un moment donné de son histoire, à faire le choix d'augmenter la taille de son parc pénitentiaire, de mener une « politique des murs » ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous comparons deux pays qui ont suivi des voies différentes : le Canada et la France. S'il a souvent été affirmé dans la littérature des sciences sociales que la décision de construire des prisons relevait de circonstances politiques, peu de travaux l'ont prouvé, et notre thèse entend commencer à combler cette lacune. En nous appuyant sur la sociologie de la décision, nous avons analysé les structures qui donnent naissance aux réformes touchant à la prison, l'action des acteurs impliqués, leur participation à l'élaboration de référentiels de politique pénale, et la façon dont s'organisait la circulation des idées dans les milieux décisionnels. Combinant observation des chiffres des prisons, travail archivistique, consultation de la littérature grise de la politique pénale de 1980 à 2005, et entretiens semi-directifs auprès de responsables politico-administratifs des deux pays (et à plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement dans le cas du Canada), nous avons cherché à expliciter les représentations qui guidaient les acteurs dans la définition du contenu programmatique d'une politique pénale. Le type de problème sélectionné par les responsables politico-administratifs, la place de la sécurité à l'agenda politique, et la participation d'administrateurs dénués de préoccupations électoralistes à la formulation des énoncés de solution sont les principaux facteurs explicatifs de la taille du parc carcéral. In fine, la composition des milieux décisionnels, de même que la propension des élites à intégrer d'autres catégories d'acteurs (groupes d'intérêts, consultants et universitaires) suffisamment institutionnalisées pour influencer l'élaboration des référentiels d'action publique, auront permis d'expliquer les écarts dans les politiques de construction menées dans les deux pays. / What is it that drives a country, at some point in history, to make a choice to increase its custodial capacity and to realise a ‘policy of walls'? To answer this question, this thesis develops a comparison between two countries which, in this respect, have followed very different paths: Canada and France. Although it is often claimed in social science literature that the decision to build prisons was a response to specific political circumstances, very few studies have documented empirically the interplay between the policy-makers responsible and the institutional framework within which such choices were determined. This thesis aims to begin to eliminate this lacuna. Drawing on the sociology of decision-making, we have conducted analyses of the structures underlying prison reforms and scrutinized the actions of those members of the political class involved in the process, including the variety of policy advisers involved in the formulation of penal policy. Particular attention has been drawn on the circulation of ideas in decision-making milieux. Drawing on a combination of penal statistics, institutional archives, ‘Grey Literature' in penal policy from 1980 to 2005, as well as semi-structured interviews conducted with public officials from both countries (and at both levels of government in the case of Canada), the thesis highlights the views those involved in the implementation of reforms to the criminal justice system referred to when establishing specific penal policies' programmatic content. The type of problems defined by public officials, the role played by public safety issues in the political culture of both countries and openness to delegating solutions to reform-minded civil servants mostly account for changes in prison capacity. Finally, it is contended that it was the composition of the decision-making milieux taken together with the propensity of elites to absorb participants from differentiated sub-sectors (interests groups, consultants, academics, etc.) that are sufficiently institutionalized to influence the decision-making process), that explains the differences in prison building policies between the two countries.

La question étudiée c'est la relation entre l'Etat et les élites intellectuelles. Plus précisément, entre cinéastes et de la politique. Ils sont analysés en prenant en compte l'itinéraire des membres du "groupe" Cinema Novo et les relations sociales pour la mobilisation des ressources, aussi bien la multipositionalité dans les réseaux sociaux. L'itinéraire est interprété sur l'appui du concept de "champ" et de conditions "périphériques" qui limitent le rôle des intellectuels. Le "lien" entre cinemanovistas et de l'Etat se produit dans la mesure de "l'intersection des intérêts." La cartographie des réseaux, en plus de l'enquête bibliographique, suivi de l'analyse des entrevues et des documents recueillis dans les différentes collections. Des questions sont ensuite possession de la relation entre le capital social, les relations et les positions dans les réseaux, la mobilisation des ressources, la reconversion, et l'intersection des intérêts. Pour la saisie de cette question, l'hypothèse de travail est orienté au "succès" politique des cinemanovistas comme dépendant des positions au sein de réseaux, qui ont pris cette forme par le biais de relations conduit à la mobilisation de ressources, ce qui leur a permis d'influencer l'appareil d'Etat. La période d'analyse s'étend entre les années 1961 - dans laquelle apparaît le nom Cinema Novo - et 1974 - que Roberto Farias est conduit à la présidence de Embrafilme. En raison de l'itinéraire des cinemanovistas répétant des caractéristiques d'autres élites brésiliennes qui ont tendance à exercer insertion dans les appareils d'Etat, l'étude est justifiée par la contribution à la recherche sur la reproduction et la variation de ces caractéristiques, ainsi que la mobilisation de ressources, aux "nouvelles" élites ou les groupes qui ont tendance à exercer insertion dans ceux appareils. / O tema estudado são as relações entre Estado e elites intelectuais. Especificamente, as entre cineastas e política. São analisados o itinerário dos integrantes do "grupo" Cinema Novo e relações sociais para mobilização de recursos, possíveis na medida da multiposicionalidade em redes sociais. O itinerário é interpretado tendo como apoio a noção de "campo" e de condições "periféricas" que limitam a atuação dos intelectuais. O "vínculo" entre os cinemanovistas e o Estado dá-se na medida em que se evidencia "interseção de interesses". O mapeamento das redes, além do levantamento bibliográfico, acompanha-se de análise de entrevistas e de documentos obtidos em diferentes acervos. Questiona-se então a relação entre posse de capitais sociais, relações e posições em redes, mobilização de recursos, reconversões e interseção de interesses. Para a apreensão desta problemática, a hipótese de trabalho se orienta ao "sucesso" político dos cinemanovistas como dependente das posições ocupadas no interior de redes, que tomam esta forma por meio de relações acionadas para a mobilização de recursos e que lhes permitiram ter influência junto a aparelhos de Estado. O período prioritário de análise se estende entre os anos de 1961 - em que surge a denominação Cinema Novo - e 1974 - em que é empossado Roberto Farias na presidência da Embrafilme. Em razão de o percurso dos cinemanovistas replicar características de outras elites brasileiras que se inseriram em aparelhos de Estado, o estudo é justificado pela contribuição a investigações sobre a reprodução e a variação dessas características, bem como a dos recursos mobilizáveis, junto a "novas" elites ou agrupamentos que tendem à realização da inserção nesses aparelhos. / The issue studied is the relationship between state and intellectual elites. Specifically, between filmmakers and politics. They are analyzed taking in count the itinerary of members of the "group" Cinema Novo and social relations for mobilization of resources, the extent of multipositionality in social networks. The itinerary is interpreted as taking support the concept of "field" and "peripheral" conditions that limit the role of intellectuals. The "linkage" between cinemanovistas and the State happens in the extent of "intersection of interests." The mapping of networks, in addition to bibliographical survey, follows up for the analysis of interviews and documents obtained in different collections. Questions are then possession of the relationship between social capital, relations and positions in networks, mobilization of resources, reconversion, and intersection of interests. For the seizure of this issue, the hypothesis of work is oriented to the cinemanovistas' political "success" as dependent on positions within networks, which have taken this form through relationships driven to the mobilization of resources, which allowed them to influence the apparatus of state. The period of analysis extends between the years of 1961 - in which appears the name Cinema Novo - and 1974 - that Roberto Farias is conducted to the chair of Embrafilme. Because of the cinemanovistas' itinerary replicates characteristics of other Brazilian elites those operated insertion in apparatus of state, the study is justified by the contribution to research on the reproduction and the variation of these characteristics, as well as the mobilization of resources, found in "new" elites or groups that tend to perform insertion of such apparatus.

L’étude est dédié à l’examen des relations entre les bases sociales et recrutement des élites dans um contexte de transition des régimes politiques, plus précisement, au Brésil à la fin du XIXe siècle. En ce sens, l’analyse focalise la comparaison entre différents fractions d’élite, ce qui remet au problème général des relations entre bases sociales, investissements, strategies de carrière et conditions de différentiation entre champs. Intéressent, en particulier, les conditions sociales et institutionnelles d’autonomisation du champ culturel et de structuration de ces différents pôles, tant que les modalités de différentiation entre les carrières intellectuelles (professeurs d’enseigment supérieur et hommes de lettres) et les carrières politiques (président, vice-président, ministres, senateurs, députés). Premièrement, on analyse les déterminantes sociales des carrières, ainsi que ces relations avec les possibilités et les significations de la diversification des bases sociales. Ensuite, on focalisé la reconstitution des différents domaines d’activité dans lesquelles se déplacent les agentes en analyse, mettant l’accent sur les critères de hiérarchisation et les déterminantes sociales et institucionnelles. Enfin, l’analyse reside sur les modalités et stratégies de carrières menés pour les différentes fractions d’élite, avec le but d’aprehender les conditions d’éloignement et similarité entre les ressources mobilisées et les investissements qui composent les divers formes de réussit sociale et professionnelle. Ainsi, les indications générales indiquent une relative similarité des profils de carrière et ressources valorisées. Ce qui relie les déterminantes sociales qui sont la base des conditions de possibilité aux modèles socialement objectivés de réussit sociale et « professionnelle » / O presente trabalho dedica-se ao exame das relações entre bases sociais e recrutamento de elites em um contexto de transição de regimes políticos, mais especificamente, no Brasil de fins do XIX. Nesse sentido, o foco central de análise assenta-se na comparação entre distintas frações de elite, o que remete ao problema geral das relações entre bases sociais, modalidades de investimentos, estratégias de carreira e condições de diferenciação entre campos. Interessa, em particular, as condições sociais e institucionais de autonomização do campo cultural e de estruturação de seus diferentes polos, assim como as modalidades de diferenciação entre as carreiras intelectuais (professores universitários e “homens de letras”) e as carreiras políticas (presidente e vice-presidente, ministros, governadores e vice-governadores senadores e deputados federais). Em primeiro lugar, são analisados determinantes sociais das carreiras, assim como suas relações com as possibilidades e significados da diversificação bases sociais do recrutamento. Em seguida, o foco direciona-se à reconstituição dos diferentes espaços de atuação nos quais se movem os agentes em pauta, atentando para os critérios de hierarquização e os determinantes sociais e institucionais das carreiras. Por fim, a análise recai sobre as modalidades e estratégias de carreira acionadas pelas diferentes frações de elites em pauta, cujo objetivo é apreender as condições de afastamento e similitude entre os recursos mobilizados e os investimentos que compõe as diversas formas de realização social e “profissional”. Com base nisso, as indicações gerais apontam para uma relativa similitude em termos de padrões de carreira e recursos valorizados, o que se conecta tanto aos determinantes sociais que estão na base das condições de possibilidade, quanto a objetivação social de determinado modelo de excelência social e “profissional”. / This work is dedicated to the examination of the relationship between social bases and elites’ recruitment in a context of political regimes transition, more specifically, in Brazil at the end of the XIX century. As such, the analysis’ central focus rests on the comparison betwen different elite’s fractions which refers to the relations’ general problem between social bases, types of investment, career strategies and conditions of differentiation between fields. It concerns, in particular, the social and institutional conditions and the autonomisation of the cultural field and structuring of its different poles, as the modalities of differenciation between the intelectual careers (university professors and “writers”) and the political careers (president and vice-president, ministers, governor and vice-governor, senators and federal deputies). First, the careers’ social determinants are analyzed, as well as its relations with the possibilities and meanings of the recruitment`s social bases. Next, the focus is on the reconstitution of the different performance spaces in which the agents move, paying attention to the hierarchization’s criterias and the social and institutional career determinants. Lastly, the analysis rests on the career’s strategies and modalities actuated by the different elites’ fraction whose goal is to aprehend the conditions of departure and similitude between the mobilized resources and the investments that compose the different means of social and “professional” achievement. As such, the general indications point to a relative similitude in terms of career patterns and resources valued, which connects itself to the social determinants that rests on the base of the conditions of possibility, as well as the social objectivation of a certain type of social a “professional” excellence.

Submitted by LEILA SANTANA DA SILVA null (leilasantanas@gmail.com) on 2018-11-13T12:26:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Leila Santana da Silva final.pdf: 2411471 bytes, checksum: 623e184e9bb0b7112704fbca7ed4b905 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GRAZIELA HELENA JACKYMAN DE OLIVEIRA null (graziela@ippri.unesp.br) on 2018-11-13T14:48:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_ls_me_ippri_int.pdf: 2246790 bytes, checksum: 0b0f0893ec5c31e6eabd09b54c2a29a3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-13T14:48:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_ls_me_ippri_int.pdf: 2246790 bytes, checksum: 0b0f0893ec5c31e6eabd09b54c2a29a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-07 / A análise será composta de dois momentos: um primeiro teórico de compreensão do Nordeste e, num segundo momento, de olhar nossas práticas enquanto Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores (MPA) assumindo nosso papel na construção do contra hegemonia no campo em processo de construção. O Nordeste concentra grande parte do campesinato brasileiro ao mesmo tempo que é alvo de inúmeras disputas territoriais do agronegócio e outros empreendimentos sobre as terras campesinas, gerando, muitas vezes, uma sobreposição de conflitos em seus territórios. Neste contexto agrário, a pesquisa visa compreender a contribuição atual do MPA no processo de reinvenção político – social do Nordeste e de seu campesinato. A intenção da pesquisa é provocar elementos para reflexão rompendo, ideologicamente, com um ciclo vicioso de subalternização, preconceitos, empobrecimentos e desprezo nacional de onde foi alvo por muitos anos o Nordeste, especialmente, a partir da lógica do “combate à seca”. Esta pesquisa será mais uma contribuição ao desafio de reafirmar o papel do MPA enquanto sujeito político que resiste ao modelo hegemônico no campo e nos permitirá se desafiar a conhecer mais a fundo o Nordeste e seu papel no cenário nacional. Pretende-se analisar algumas referências que venham a contribuir na compreensão do nordeste no cenário nacional, o surgimento das elites agrárias nesta região e suas influências na conjuntura atual, assim como a resistência camponesa projetada neste enfrentamento. O Método adotado será o materialismo histórico dialético que permitirá o esclarecimento e não o ofuscamento da relação fenômeno e essência, sem perder de vista a totalidade do ser social. Como procedimentos metodológicos foi realizado levantamento de dados, pesquisas de campo com entrevistas semiestruturadas abertas com lideranças dos Estados da Bahia, Alagoas, Pernambuco, Ceará, Sergipe, Paraíba, Piauí e Rio Grande do Norte, assim como organização, sistematização e análise dos dados. Como resultado deste trabalho, tem-se a sistematização da trajetória do MPA Brasil e na Região Nordeste, assim como o levantamento das contribuições do MPA no campo prático e teórico-ideológico para o campesinato brasileiro. / The analysis will be composed of two moments: a first theorist of understanding of the Northeast and, secondly, of looking at our practices as the Small Farmers Movement (MPA), assuming our role in the construction of counter hegemony in the field under construction. The Northeast concentrates a large part of the Brazilian peasantry at the same time as it is the target of numerous agribusiness territorial disputes and other developments on peasant lands, often creating an overlapping of conflicts in their territories. In this agrarian context, the research aims to understand the current contribution of the MPA in the process of social - political reinvention of the Northeast and its peasantry. The intention of the research is to provoke elements for reflection, ideologically breaking with a vicious cycle of subalternization, prejudices, impoverishment and national contempt of where the Northeast has been target for many years, especially, from the logic of "combating drought". This research will further contribute to the challenge of reaffirming the role of the MPA as a political subject that resists the hegemonic model in the field and will allow us to challenge ourselves to know more about the Northeast and its role in the national scenario. It is intended to analyze some references that contribute to the understanding of the northeast in the national scenario, the emergence of agrarian elites in this region and their influence in the current conjuncture, as well as the peasant resistance projected in this confrontation. The adopted method will be the dialectical historical materialism that will allow enlightenment and not the glare of the relation phenomenon and essence, without losing sight of the totality of the social being. Methodological procedures included data collection, field surveys with open semi-structured interviews with leaders from the states of Bahia, Alagoas, Pernambuco, Ceará, Sergipe, Paraíba, Piauí and Rio Grande do Norte, as well as organization, systematization and data analysis. As a result of this work, we have systematized the trajectory of the MPA Brazil and the Northeast Region, as well as the survey of the MPA's contributions in the practical and theoretical-ideological field for the Brazilian peasantry. / El análisis consistirá en dos etapas: una primera comprensión teórica del Nordeste y, en segundo lugar, mirar nuestras prácticas como el Movimiento de los Pequeños Agricultores (MPA) asumiendo nuestro papel en la construcción de contra-hegemonía en el campo en construcción. El noreste se concentra la mayor parte de los campesinos de Brasil, mientras que el blanco de numerosas disputas territoriales de la agroalimentación y otras empresas en las tierras campesinas, generando a menudo se superponen los conflictos en sus territorios. En este contexto agrícola, la investigación pretende comprender la contribución actual de la MPA en el proceso de reinvención política - Noreste social y su campesinado. El propósito de la encuesta es motivo de pensamiento de ruptura, ideológicamente, con un ciclo vicioso de subordinación, el prejuicio, el empobrecimiento y el desprecio nacional que era el objetivo durante muchos años el noreste, sobre todo a partir de la lógica de "alivio de la sequía". Esta investigación será una contribución al reto de reafirmar el papel de la MPA como sujeto político que resiste el modelo hegemónico en el campo y se desafió a conocer más profundamente el noreste y su papel en la escena nacional. Nos proponemos analizar algunas referencias que pueden ayudar en la comprensión del noreste en la escena nacional, el surgimiento de élites agrarias en esta región y su influencia en la situación actual, así como la resistencia campesina diseñado en esta confrontación. El método adoptado es el materialismo histórico dialéctico, que permitan aclarar y no resplandor relación fenómeno y la esencia, sin perder de vista la totalidad del ser social. Como procedimientos metodológicos se llevó a cabo la recopilación de datos, la investigación de campo con entrevistas abiertas semiestructuradas con los líderes de los estados de Bahía, Alagoas, Pernambuco, Ceará, Sergipe, Paraíba, Piauí y Rio Grande do Norte, así como la organización, sistematización y análisis de datos. Como resultado de este trabajo es sistematizar la trayectoria del MPA Brasil y en el noreste, así como el levantamiento de las contribuciones de MPA en el campo práctico y teórico e ideológico al campesinado brasileño.

Orientador: Janaina Francisca de Souza Campos Vinha / Resumo: A análise será composta de dois momentos: um primeiro teórico de compreensão do Nordeste e, num segundo momento, de olhar nossas práticas enquanto Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores (MPA) assumindo nosso papel na construção do contra hegemonia no campo em processo de construção. O Nordeste concentra grande parte do campesinato brasileiro ao mesmo tempo que é alvo de inúmeras disputas territoriais do agronegócio e outros empreendimentos sobre as terras campesinas, gerando, muitas vezes, uma sobreposição de conflitos em seus territórios. Neste contexto agrário, a pesquisa visa compreender a contribuição atual do MPA no processo de reinvenção político – social do Nordeste e de seu campesinato. A intenção da pesquisa é provocar elementos para reflexão rompendo, ideologicamente, com um ciclo vicioso de subalternização, preconceitos, empobrecimentos e desprezo nacional de onde foi alvo por muitos anos o Nordeste, especialmente, a partir da lógica do “combate à seca”. Esta pesquisa será mais uma contribuição ao desafio de reafirmar o papel do MPA enquanto sujeito político que resiste ao modelo hegemônico no campo e nos permitirá se desafiar a conhecer mais a fundo o Nordeste e seu papel no cenário nacional. Pretende-se analisar algumas referências que venham a contribuir na compreensão do nordeste no cenário nacional, o surgimento das elites agrárias nesta região e suas influências na conjuntura atual, assim como a resistência camponesa projetada neste enfrentamento. O Método adota... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The analysis will be composed of two moments: a first theorist of understanding of the Northeast and, secondly, of looking at our practices as the Small Farmers Movement (MPA), assuming our role in the construction of counter hegemony in the field under construction. The Northeast concentrates a large part of the Brazilian peasantry at the same time as it is the target of numerous agribusiness territorial disputes and other developments on peasant lands, often creating an overlapping of conflicts in their territories. In this agrarian context, the research aims to understand the current contribution of the MPA in the process of social - political reinvention of the Northeast and its peasantry. The intention of the research is to provoke elements for reflection, ideologically breaking with a vicious cycle of subalternization, prejudices, impoverishment and national contempt of where the Northeast has been target for many years, especially, from the logic of "combating drought". This research will further contribute to the challenge of reaffirming the role of the MPA as a political subject that resists the hegemonic model in the field and will allow us to challenge ourselves to know more about the Northeast and its role in the national scenario. It is intended to analyze some references that contribute to the understanding of the northeast in the national scenario, the emergence of agrarian elites in this region and their influence in the current conjuncture, as well as the pea... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: El análisis consistirá en dos etapas: una primera comprensión teórica del Nordeste y, en segundo lugar, mirar nuestras prácticas como el Movimiento de los Pequeños Agricultores (MPA) asumiendo nuestro papel en la construcción de contra-hegemonía en el campo en construcción. El noreste se concentra la mayor parte de los campesinos de Brasil, mientras que el blanco de numerosas disputas territoriales de la agroalimentación y otras empresas en las tierras campesinas, generando a menudo se superponen los conflictos en sus territorios. En este contexto agrícola, la investigación pretende comprender la contribución actual de la MPA en el proceso de reinvención política - Noreste social y su campesinado. El propósito de la encuesta es motivo de pensamiento de ruptura, ideológicamente, con un ciclo vicioso de subordinación, el prejuicio, el empobrecimiento y el desprecio nacional que era el objetivo durante muchos años el noreste, sobre todo a partir de la lógica de "alivio de la sequía". Esta investigación será una contribución al reto de reafirmar el papel de la MPA como sujeto político que resiste el modelo hegemónico en el campo y se desafió a conocer más profundamente el noreste y su papel en la escena nacional. Nos proponemos analizar algunas referencias que pueden ayudar en la comprensión del noreste en la escena nacional, el surgimiento de élites agrarias en esta región y su influencia en la situación actual, así como la resistencia campesina diseñado en esta confrontación. E... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

La question étudiée c'est la relation entre l'Etat et les élites intellectuelles. Plus précisément, entre cinéastes et de la politique. Ils sont analysés en prenant en compte l'itinéraire des membres du "groupe" Cinema Novo et les relations sociales pour la mobilisation des ressources, aussi bien la multipositionalité dans les réseaux sociaux. L'itinéraire est interprété sur l'appui du concept de "champ" et de conditions "périphériques" qui limitent le rôle des intellectuels. Le "lien" entre cinemanovistas et de l'Etat se produit dans la mesure de "l'intersection des intérêts." La cartographie des réseaux, en plus de l'enquête bibliographique, suivi de l'analyse des entrevues et des documents recueillis dans les différentes collections. Des questions sont ensuite possession de la relation entre le capital social, les relations et les positions dans les réseaux, la mobilisation des ressources, la reconversion, et l'intersection des intérêts. Pour la saisie de cette question, l'hypothèse de travail est orienté au "succès" politique des cinemanovistas comme dépendant des positions au sein de réseaux, qui ont pris cette forme par le biais de relations conduit à la mobilisation de ressources, ce qui leur a permis d'influencer l'appareil d'Etat. La période d'analyse s'étend entre les années 1961 - dans laquelle apparaît le nom Cinema Novo - et 1974 - que Roberto Farias est conduit à la présidence de Embrafilme. En raison de l'itinéraire des cinemanovistas répétant des caractéristiques d'autres élites brésiliennes qui ont tendance à exercer insertion dans les appareils d'Etat, l'étude est justifiée par la contribution à la recherche sur la reproduction et la variation de ces caractéristiques, ainsi que la mobilisation de ressources, aux "nouvelles" élites ou les groupes qui ont tendance à exercer insertion dans ceux appareils. / O tema estudado são as relações entre Estado e elites intelectuais. Especificamente, as entre cineastas e política. São analisados o itinerário dos integrantes do "grupo" Cinema Novo e relações sociais para mobilização de recursos, possíveis na medida da multiposicionalidade em redes sociais. O itinerário é interpretado tendo como apoio a noção de "campo" e de condições "periféricas" que limitam a atuação dos intelectuais. O "vínculo" entre os cinemanovistas e o Estado dá-se na medida em que se evidencia "interseção de interesses". O mapeamento das redes, além do levantamento bibliográfico, acompanha-se de análise de entrevistas e de documentos obtidos em diferentes acervos. Questiona-se então a relação entre posse de capitais sociais, relações e posições em redes, mobilização de recursos, reconversões e interseção de interesses. Para a apreensão desta problemática, a hipótese de trabalho se orienta ao "sucesso" político dos cinemanovistas como dependente das posições ocupadas no interior de redes, que tomam esta forma por meio de relações acionadas para a mobilização de recursos e que lhes permitiram ter influência junto a aparelhos de Estado. O período prioritário de análise se estende entre os anos de 1961 - em que surge a denominação Cinema Novo - e 1974 - em que é empossado Roberto Farias na presidência da Embrafilme. Em razão de o percurso dos cinemanovistas replicar características de outras elites brasileiras que se inseriram em aparelhos de Estado, o estudo é justificado pela contribuição a investigações sobre a reprodução e a variação dessas características, bem como a dos recursos mobilizáveis, junto a "novas" elites ou agrupamentos que tendem à realização da inserção nesses aparelhos. / The issue studied is the relationship between state and intellectual elites. Specifically, between filmmakers and politics. They are analyzed taking in count the itinerary of members of the "group" Cinema Novo and social relations for mobilization of resources, the extent of multipositionality in social networks. The itinerary is interpreted as taking support the concept of "field" and "peripheral" conditions that limit the role of intellectuals. The "linkage" between cinemanovistas and the State happens in the extent of "intersection of interests." The mapping of networks, in addition to bibliographical survey, follows up for the analysis of interviews and documents obtained in different collections. Questions are then possession of the relationship between social capital, relations and positions in networks, mobilization of resources, reconversion, and intersection of interests. For the seizure of this issue, the hypothesis of work is oriented to the cinemanovistas' political "success" as dependent on positions within networks, which have taken this form through relationships driven to the mobilization of resources, which allowed them to influence the apparatus of state. The period of analysis extends between the years of 1961 - in which appears the name Cinema Novo - and 1974 - that Roberto Farias is conducted to the chair of Embrafilme. Because of the cinemanovistas' itinerary replicates characteristics of other Brazilian elites those operated insertion in apparatus of state, the study is justified by the contribution to research on the reproduction and the variation of these characteristics, as well as the mobilization of resources, found in "new" elites or groups that tend to perform insertion of such apparatus.