本研究的著眼點在於個人行為不只受個體屬性的影響，也受其所處的環境特徵所影響 。故採取複層次分析（multi-level analysis）的研究途徑，嘗試建立一個模式同時 將個體資料（individual data ）與總體資料（aggregate data）納入分析，以探測 影響選民對政府評價之個人因素和環境特徵。 研究結果發現，不同社經發展程度的地區，選民對政府的評價確有差異，同時此種差 異亦與個人因素（社經地位、省籍、政黨偏好、政治信任感、政治知識）有關。 全文共計七章，各章的研究重點如下： 第一章主要闡述本文之研究動機、研究主題與研究目的。 第二章的研究重點是檢閱對政府評價的相關文獻及其研究途徑，以為本研究之理論基 礎。 第三章為本文之理論架構，詳述本文採用之複層次分析方法、理論模式、變數建構與 主要研究假設，並就本文之研究限制提出說明。 第四章的研究重點為個體模式分析，檢視個人因素包括社經地位、省藉、政黨偏好、 政治信任感和政治知識等，與對政府評價之關係。 第五章的研究重點為總體模式分析，檢視環境特徵，如都市化程度、產業結構、經濟 水準、省籍結構和教育水準等，與對政府評價之關係。 第六章的研究重點為複層次模式分析，綜合個人因素與環境特徵，同時考慮其對政府 評價之影響，並建構迴歸模式。 第七章為結論，說明主要研究發現，並提出檢討與建議。

冷戰結束後，民族主義在世界各地呈現復興的趨勢，而從九零年代以來中國的民族主義的復興與發展，也一直是受到關注的話題與焦點，像是1997年的中共駐南斯拉夫大使館被炸事件，到現在的反日民族主義情緒高漲，這些都是民族主義情緒高漲的實際例證。但是對於民族主義，一般總是存在著許多負面的看法，因為在西方的民族主義發展歷程當中，民族主義高漲的結果將很容易的演變成極端激進形式，我們是否能將中國的民族主義輕易的套入西方的歷史情境當中，將是值得思考的問題。至於民族主義在外交中的影響力，如同惠廷(Allen S. Whiting)所言，民族主義如何影響中共外交，將取決於它國如何對待中國，也因此探討冷戰後中共對日外交政策的民族主義因素，除了分析中國民族主義興起在外交層面的作用之外，更需關注中日民族主義之間的互動趨勢，以及冷戰後中共對日外交政策的發展。本論文在分析中共對日外交政策上，關注的主要變數是民族主義發展的影響，在分析的途徑上則試圖從國際層面:如中日民族主義的互動趨勢；國內層面:如中共愛國主義的原則、官方與民間民族主義的互動；以及決策層的認知思維層面，依據多層次的分析途徑，從以上這些變數來探討冷戰後中共對日外交政策的民族主義因素，並期望藉由民族主義興起的研究，提供理解中國崛起與發展的一個觀點。

東協國家的發展對日本無論是在國際政治上或經濟重新再起都是很重要的一環。然而冷戰後中國崛起、各國新舊領導人交替，在這樣複雜的環境變化下，日本如何因應這些變化，興起本論文研究的動機。 本研究目的在於分析日本對東協國家的政策從冷戰到現在有什麼改變，而隨著時間演進，這些政策改變之後，日本與東協國家之間的關係發生了什麼樣的變化，是否有趨勢可循。本研究將從非傳統安全議題中的環境保護與防災合作，以及經濟議題中的FTA／EPA來作切入。 本研究企圖以「層次分析」構築全篇論文的研究架構，分別從國際和國家以及個人三個分析層次探討日本對東協國家外交政策中非傳統安全政策與經貿政策面的變化，並解釋國際層次、國家層次以及個人層次中的各個變項如何影響日本與東協國家之間的互動。 本研究認為日本對東協國家外交政策最終促使日本與東協成員國的關係更加緊密。在非傳統面向中，國際層次因素是促使日本與東協國家在非傳統安全合作上影響最深的要素。實際施作的細節則是受到國家層次因素的影響，主要由外務省定出支援方針，由JICA具專業知識與充足經驗的專家在第一線實際操作。在經濟面向，國際層次上，區域經濟整合已經成為不可阻擋的潮流，對此，日本國內雖有不同看法，卻已逐漸凝聚共識，東協的經濟成長力是讓日本經濟再起不可或缺的重要助力。

綜觀陳水扁與馬英九政府參與APEC之政策倡議，均以呼應APEC歷年主題以及亞太區域發展需求為主，與國內政黨輪替並無顯著關係，甚至可延續前任政府之倡議提出進階性的計畫，國、民兩黨在務實參與APEC上具有兩黨一致性（Bipartisanship）。另藉由制度、國際與國內層次分析可發現，臺灣參與APEC之重大倡議，明顯受到APEC制度性規範、區域治理關切議題、以及國內外重大事件之影響。在APEC既有建制規範下，臺灣得以憑藉專業考量與自身專長來因應國際社會需求，進而提出相對應之政策倡議。

本研究試圖將雙邊關係導入區域整合的解釋範疇，主要探討東南亞國家之間雙邊互動關係的解釋因素，以及東協對應成員國間衝突本質的制度建構，從而推進區域合作的進程。 從理論文獻與經驗事件，本研究運用「雙邊層次理論」（dyadic level theories）解釋東南亞國家間的互動現象，選擇「相對權力」、「軍事實力」、「政體類型」、「貿易互賴」、「經濟發展」作為開發中國家雙邊關係的解釋變數，用以理解東協成員國走向衝突與合作的選擇，並對「衝突－合作」的理論命題進行檢驗，據以提出適用於東協國家雙邊互動變異的解釋模式。本研究主張，開發中區域內雙邊關係受到國家屬性與相對特質的影響，爰須從個別國家互動交往的變遷軌跡予以觀察，其解釋變數將持續影響未來的整合道路。 在理論檢證的操作上，本研究參照「事件資料分析」（event-data analysis）方法，設計「雙邊互動的衝突—整合量表」（the Conflict-Integration Continuum, CIC），蒐集自1990年至2012年的「時間序列與橫斷面資料」（TSCS），並建置「東協成員國雙邊互動關係時間序列資料庫」（ASEAN-TSCS Data set）。透過資料庫分析和預測模型之建構，本研究釐清東協雙邊關係變異的解釋因素，並確認對於開發中國家間互動關係的影響關係。 為周延地理解東南亞次區域體系中單元層次（國家間互動）與整體層次（東協整合）的互動連結，本研究對東協歷年構建的安全制度與爭端解決機制進行文本分析，擇取區域內各組雙邊關係進行案例研究。透過對東協國家相對特質與互動事件的比較，進一步檢證次體系內國家間互動行為的關聯特徵，本研究期能為東南亞的整合研究提供一種理論啟示。 / This study aims to interpret regional integration through the lens of bilateral relations. It primarily addresses the factors in bilateral interactions between the Southeast Asian nations and delves into the process in which the ASEAN put forth an architecture to resolve the inherent conflicts between its member states to further promote regional cooperation. Based on theoretical literatures and historical events, this study uses dyadic-level theories to explain interactions among the Southeast Asian countries, chooses “Relative Power,” “Military Capability,” “Regime Types,” “Trade Interdependence,” and “Economic Development” as explanatory variables for bilateral relations between developing countries in this region for the purpose of understanding the choices made by the ASEAN member states towards either conflict or cooperation, and inspects the theoretical proposition of “conflict-cooperation” so as to put forth an explanatory model applicable for changes in the bilateral interactions between the ASEAN countries. The author argues that the bilateral relations in a developing region are not only influenced by the objective characteristics of each country, but also the relative relation to other countries. Therefore, observing the interactions between each individual country to others is required. The independent valuables are also dynamically influencing the approach of integration in the future. In terms of theoretical validation, a conflict-integration continuum (CIC) is designed for this paper with reference to event-data analysis approach, time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data between 1990 and 2012 is collected, and an ASEAN-TSCS data set is established. By means of database analysis and construction of a prediction model, this research clarifies the explanatory factors for changes in bilateral relations between ASEAN countries and determines the effects that they have on interactions among developing countries. For the purpose of comprehensively understanding interactive linkages between the unit level (interactions amongst nations) and the overall level (ASEAN integration) in the Southeast Asia sub-regional system, this paper performs a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN over the years and selects bilateral relations of pairs in the region as case studies. In addition to the data-driven analysis above, comprehensive knowledge of the interactive linkages between individual country and the overall ASEAN are also required. Therefore, a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN is also conducted in this thesis. Several pairs of countries are used as case studies to investigate the bilateral relations in this region. By comparing relative qualities and interactional events of ASEAN countries, correlative features of interactions among the countries in the subsystem are further validated, as such, this paper aims to provide a theoretical revelation for research on the integration of Southeast Asia.

本研究旨在探討國民小學教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之關聯性，並分析學校組織政治氣候對教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之間關係的影響。本研究採用調查研究法。在預試階段以新竹縣公立國民小學教師為對象，寄發300份預試問卷，回收有效問卷224份，據以分析測量工具的信效度。在正式施測階段，以臺灣地區公立國民小學教師為對象，寄發1,458份問卷，回收有效問卷1,026份。在資料分析方面，透過描述性統計、單因子變異數分析、相關分析及階層線性模式等方法，檢測本研究問題及假設。依據研究結果，本研究獲致以下結論： 一、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之現況分析 （一）國民小學教師具有中等程度的組織政治知覺。 （二）國民小學教師具有中高程度的印象管理動機。 （三）國民小學教師具有良好程度的組織公民行為。 二、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之差異分析 （一）教師的組織政治知覺會因學校規模、學歷及擔任職務之不同而有所差異。 （二）教師印象管理動機會因學校規模、學校地區、性別、學歷及擔任職務之不同 而有所差異。 （三）教師組織行為會因學校規模、學校地區、性別、年齡、服務年資及擔任職務 之不同而有所差異。 三、教師組織政治知覺、印象管理動機與組織公民行為之關聯性分析 （一）教師的組織政治知覺對組織公民行為具有負向的影響。 （二）教師的組織政治知覺對塑造正面印象的動機具有正向的影響。 （三）避免負面印象及塑造正面印象的動機對教師組織公民行為具有正向的影 響。 （四）教師的組織政治知覺會透過塑造正面印象的中介效果，間接對組織公民行為 產生正向的影響。 （五）學校組織政治氣候會調節教師組織政治知覺及組織公民行為的關係。 （六）學校組織政治氣候會調節教師組織政治知覺及塑造正面印象的關係。 依據研究結果，本研究針對學校行、校長及教師三方面提出相關建議： 一、對學校行政的建議 （一）形塑正向組織氣候，避免過多的政治行為。 （二）重視學校運作公平，提升成員的信任感。 （三）暢通溝通管道，避免影響團體的過度操弄。 二、對學校校長的建議 （一）妥善處理學校政治行為，避免產生負面效應。 （二）明辨成員工作行為動機，避免形成惡性競爭。 （三）正向肯定教師組織公民行為，鼓勵教師對教育工作的額外付出。 三、對學校教師的建議 （一）正向看待學校組織政治，調整自我工作心態。 （二）適時善用印象管理策略，提升工作績效表現。 （三）積極從事組織公民行為，創造個人與組織價值。 最後，本研究亦針對未來研究提出在測量工具、研究內容、研究設計及資料分析等方面的建議。 / The study investigated the relationships among the perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors in elementary school teachers. Moreover, this study analyzed the impact of the organizational political climate in schools on the relationships among the perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors. In the pretest administered in this study, a survey was conducted on public elementary school teachers in Hsinchu County. A total of 300 questionnaires were distributed, and 224 were returned. The reliability and validity of the questionnaire were tested. In the formal survey, the subjects were public elementary school teachers from across Taiwan. A total of 1,458 questionnaires were distributed, and 1,026 valid samples were returned. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, analysis of variance, correlation analysis, and hierarchical linear models to validate the research hypotheses. Based on the results, the following conclusions were derived: 1. The perception level of teachers regarding organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) Elementary school teachers possess a middle-level perception of organizational politics. (2) Elementary school teachers possess middle-high-level impression management motives. (3) Elementary school teachers possess favorable organizational citizenship behaviors. 2. The variance analysis of teachers’ perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) The perception of organizational politics for teachers varies by school size, educational background, and position in school. (2) The impression management motives of teachers vary by school size, school location, gender, educational background, and position in school. (3) The organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers varies by school size, school location, gender, age, and years of service. 3. The relationships among teachers’ perception of organizational politics, impression management motives, and organizational citizenship behaviors: (1) The perception of organizational politics negatively affects organizational citizenship behaviors. (2) The perception of organizational politics for teachers positively affects the motivation to create a positive impression. (3) The motivation to avoid a negative impression and create a positive impression positively affects the organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers. (4) The creation of a positive impression for teachers mediates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and organizational citizenship behaviors. (5) The organizational political climate in school moderates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and the organizational citizenship behaviors of teachers. (6) The organizational political climate moderates the relationship between the perception of organizational politics and the development of a positive impression. According to the research results, the following suggestions are proposed for school practice, principals, and teachers. 1. For school practice: (1) Establish a positive organizational climate and avoid excessive political behavior. (2) Focus on the fairness of school operations and promote the trust of members. (3) Provide unimpeded communication channels and avoid excessive manipulation by the impacting group. 2. For school principals: (1) Appropriately control the political behavior of the school to avoid negative effects. (2) Distinguish working motivation among members to avoid negative competition. (3) Positively affirm teachers’ organizational citizenship behaviors, and encourage teachers to invest additional effort in educating students. 3. For school teachers: (1) Positively address school organizational politics, and adjust one’s self-working attitude. (2) Appropriately use impression management strategies to enhance job performance. (3) Positively engage in organizational citizenship behaviors, and create personal and organizational value. Finally, this paper provides suggestions for future research, which include suggestions for measuring tools, research content, research design, and data analysis.

此篇論文之目的乃是探討品牌心理擁有感之前因與結果因素，本研究欲探討之三個與品牌相關的構念，包括公司品牌管理、品牌心理擁有感、品牌公民行為。第一個構念為公司品牌管理，代表能改善不同利害關係人對公司品牌認知與態度之組織作法；第二構念為品牌心理擁有感，代表能使員工對公司品牌產生所有權感受的心理狀態；第三個構念為品牌公民行為，代表員工擁有品牌導向之利他行為並將品牌精神活出來。本研究採取了兩個步驟，以探討品牌心理擁有感之前因與結果因素，本研究首先進行了公司品牌管理、品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為之量表發展，其次，本研究探索了公司品牌管理、品牌心理擁有感、品牌公民行為與品牌權益之跨層次關係。 本研究根據Hinkin (1998)之準則進行量表發展，在公司品牌管理的部分，本研究從台灣連鎖商店的主管獲得275份樣本。在探索性因素分析與驗證性因素分析後，本研究獲得五項公司品牌管理的因素，包括：公司品牌管理的溝通與評估、公司品牌管理之部門間協調、公司品牌管理之領導與利害關係人互動、公司品牌管理之訓練與徵選、公司品牌管理之文化與願景，結果顯示公司品牌管理量表具有良好的穩定性與效度。 在品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為的部分，本研究從台灣連鎖商店的第一線員工獲得361份樣本。在探索性因素分析與驗證性因素分析後，本研究獲得三項品牌心理擁有感的因素，包括：品牌自我效能感、品牌責任感、品牌認同感與歸屬感。同樣地，在探索性因素分析與驗證性因素分析後，本研究獲得三項品牌公民行為的因素，包括：品牌之運動家精神與背書、品牌之幫助行為、品牌之考量與提升，結果顯示品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為之量表具有良好的穩定性與效度。 從個人層次的分析結果發現，品牌心理擁有感正向影響品牌公民行為，並且大部分之品牌心理擁有感的因素正向影響品牌公民行為的因素。從跨層次的分析結果發現，公司品牌管理正向影響品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為，組織層次的品牌公民行為正向影響品牌權益。本研究亦發現，品牌心理擁有感在公司品牌管理與品牌公民行為之間扮演跨層次的中介角色。從跨層次的細部分析結果發現，許多公司品牌管理之因素正向影響品牌心理擁有感與品牌公民行為之因素。本研究亦探討了研究結果討論、研究貢獻、研究限制與未來研究。 / This thesis aims to investigate the antecedent and consequence of brand psychological ownership. Three major constructs related to branding efforts and results studied and explored by this research include corporate branding, brand psychological ownership, and brand citizenship behavior. The first construct, corporate branding, represents practices that improve brand cognitions and brand attitude of multiple stakeholders. The second construct, brand psychological ownership, represents the psychological state that makes employees produce feeling of ownership toward the corporate brand. The third construct, brand citizenship behavior, shows that employees have brand-oriented altruistic spirit and live the brand. In order to explore the antecedent and consequence of brand psychological ownership, two major steps are conducted by this study. First, this study conducts the scale developments of corporate branding, brand psychological ownership, and brand citizenship behavior. Second, this study explores the multilevel relation between corporate branding, brand psychological ownership, brand citizenship behavior, and brand equity. The guidelines of Hinkin (1998) are followed as the procedures of scale development. As for the scale development of corporate branding, a survey conducted among a sample of 275 managers from the franchise organizations in Taiwan was undertaken. Five factors of corporate branding obtained after EFA and CFA include: communication and evaluation of corporate branding, departmental coordination of corporate branding, leadership and interaction with stakeholders of corporate branding, training and selection of corporate branding, and vision and culture of corporate branding. The results represent a scale of corporate branding with good reliability and validity. As for scale developments of brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior, a survey conducted among a sample of 361 customer-facing employees from the franchise organizations in Taiwan was undertaken. Three factors of brand psychological ownership obtained after EFA and CFA include: brand self-efficacy, brand accountability and identification and belongingness of brand. Three factors of brand citizenship behavior obtained after EFA and CFA include: sportsmanship and endorsement of brand, helping behavior of brand, and consideration and enhancement of brand. The results represent scales of brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior with good reliability and validity. In the individual level analyses, brand psychological ownership has a positive effect on brand citizenship behavior, and most factors of brand psychological ownership have positive effects on factors of brand citizenship behavior. In the multilevel analyses, results demonstrate that corporate branding has positive effects on brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior. Organizational-level brand citizenship behavior positively affects brand equity. It is also found that brand psychological ownership fully mediates the relationship between corporate branding and brand citizenship behavior. Detailed analyses show that many factors of corporate branding have positive effects on different factors of brand psychological ownership and brand citizenship behavior. Most factors of brand psychological ownership positively affect factors of brand citizenship behavior. Discussion, contributions, implication, limitation, and future study are also discussed.

2016年的英國脫歐公投，最終以51.89%比48.11%的差距，決定了英國脫歐的命運。各界紛紛揣測各種可能造成民眾投下脫歐一票的原因，包含個人經濟狀況、政黨認同、受民粹操控、反菁英、對歐洲認同等。本文針對既有研究中尚存在之空缺，聚焦「議題投票取向」對選民投票抉擇的影響，探究脫歐陣營對資訊的扭曲是否對選民的投票抉擇有顯著影響。論文就脫歐派針對國民健保、移民、脫歐後的英國對外經貿、失業率、勞工權益保障與是否能無條件持續享有歐盟單一市場好處這六項議題，透過「二分勝算對數模型」進行分析，從個體層次行為來瞭解資訊扭曲對選民在脫歐公投中投票行為的影響。 研究結果顯示，在移民潮來襲、民眾高喊反全球化與選民不安全感高漲的大環境背景下，脫歐陣營對選民所關心之議題的煽動與對資訊的操控使選民在做出投票抉擇時受到明顯誤導。此外，模型結果亦顯示，選民的個人社經背景與心理態度認知同樣對選民投票行為產生影響。總結而言，本研究透過微觀層次的分析，針對促使選民投下脫歐一票的因素做出深入探討，並以「資訊扭曲」作為重要變數，補充議題投票相關研究之不足。 / In the Brexit referendum held in June 2016, 51.89 per cent of the voter voted Leave and 48.11 per cent voted Remain. The result sealed the fate of the UK as an outsider of the European Union. While the reasons behind voter’s choice to leave the EU remain disputed, individual voter’s socio-economic status, party identification, populism, anti-elite mood, and identity toward European were among the most frequently listed factors. In order to fill the gap that existing researchs has left, this thesis focuses on the significance of “issue voting” in voting behavior. It discusses if the distortion of information by the Leave campaign had a significant impact on people’s voting choice. It uses the “logistic regression model” to analyse six issues brought about by the Leave campaign. They include the NHS, immigration, trading arrangements with other nations, unemployment, working conditions for British workers, and unconditional maintaining of all the benefits from the EU. By focusing on the individual level, I try to investigate how the distortion of information has impacted upon people’s voting behavior in the Brexit referendum. The study shows that against the background of an increased flow of immigrants and heightened anti-globalization mood, voters had a strong sense of insecurity. Under such circumstances, the Leave campaign exploited the opportunity to incite voters on issues they cared most about, manipulated information during the demagogic campaign, and misled people on their voting decision. In addition, the model also demonstrates that voters’ socioeconomic status and mental cognizance have the same effect on people’s voting behavior. In the nutshell, this thesis uses micro-level analysis to investigate voter behavior in the Brexit referendum. It brings in “information distortion” as a key variable in explaining voter behavior, a variable largely neglected in the existing literature on issue voting.

法律繼受是近代企求變法圖強國家的典型產物，繼受過程可能產生多元的面貌，然而在多元的面貌背後，往往是以新舊思維的競爭與掙扎為代價，付出難以估量的社會成本。由於繼受過程中的不確定性、持續性，進一步將問題複雜化，如何減少新的法律文化分娩的陣痛，是所有繼受法律體制應該思考的問題。 作為民初最高審判機關的大理院，在政局混沌、立法機制未能正常運作、民事法律不足的情勢下，成為一個重要的轉型期司法機制。大理院做為一個司法機關，卻積極透過判例體系的建構等具有實質立法傾向的方式，為不少民事規範的創設代庖，並不是常態的權力分立作法，但是卻形成了特殊的民事法律整合機制，而這正是法律繼受值得加以探討的課題。 除了大理院的組織、職能、人事素質等課題以外，本文將從實質與形式層面進行大理院民事判決的實證分析。西法東漸後，法律漸將倫理意義上的人格與法律意義上的人格區分開來，從強調身分秩序的差等性轉向近代平權立法。實質面上，本文將焦點內化到大理院的實際運作過程，討論平權理念如何在司法運作中獲得實現，大理院如何因應近代法律體制、憲政架構的要求，求取個人與家族倫理秩序的協調。在形式面上，不能僅將大理院對於近代法學方法與法律原則的引介，視為只是一種形式的操作，事實上這種西方式的司法程序、法律原則、法學方法的引介，往往改變舊有規範的適用情境，促成了平權理念實現。 本文認為法律繼受的核心是一個心理機制的問題。這個問題可以分成兩個層次：第一個層次是研究法律繼受必須透過多層次的分析方法，繼受是長期社會變遷過程，除了對於被繼受法律進行法律辨識工作、從事體系化的立法行為以外，也必須設法對於法律繼受的作用機制加以釐清，才可能達成繼受的社會目的。第二個層次則是從法意識深化的角度加強繼受的實效，真正意義的繼受在於法律意識的「內化」，我們必須區分不同社會成員的不同法意識層次，相應的設計出不同的法意識深化管道。這個過程可以透過某些制度性設計加以催化，司法機制就是一種「議題化」的制度性設計；將爭點「議題化」之後，可以使規範或個案的實質合理性放在一個可檢證的場域中接受檢視，這個過程可能改變了規範的適用情境，且透過社群成員參與的可能性，促進法律意識的深化。 轉型期司法機制常被賦與有效導引社會變革的期待，但轉型期司法機制必須面對特殊的角色困境，某些變革也不一定適合由司法機關來主導，綜合前述的實證分析，本文將嘗試釐清由司法機制導引社會變革會不會淪為一種落空的期待。

時至中國崛起的今日，世界上任何一國都無法忽略中國的存在。中國在改革開放後，憑著眾多的人口及豐富的資源，逐漸加強在國際上的影響力。各國遂加強與中國的關係，德國政府也不例外，在冷戰結束統一後，科爾總理即發表亞洲政策，宣佈加強與亞洲國家特別是中國的關係。繼任的德國總理施洛德則在對外政策上更加親中，曾三度訪問中國，經貿合作尤為其重點。2005年上任的梅克爾卻採取疏遠中國的作法，視中國為競爭對手。不但在新的亞洲戰略決議上建議加強亞洲國家如日本、澳洲以及印度的關係以圍堵中國，更以人權外交的名義持續給中國施加壓力。 而本論文就是以層次分析來研究梅克爾的對中外交政策，期望能以國際、國內以及個人因素來分析梅克爾政府與前任政府相比，來找出影響對中政策上轉變的原因。另外德國有著基本的外交政策，即基本保護德國的利益不會改變變，筆者也希望能找出其中變與不變之處，並分析這些基本外交政策對於中國政策的影響。 / “China rising” now is a hot topic in International affairs. By most population around the world and vast territory, China is gradually increasing its influence toward the international society. Many nations have seen this and tried to intensify bilateral relationship with China. Germany did so too. Following end of the Cold War, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl issued a file called “Asian policy” to strengthen the relation between the asian partner especially China. The Successor of Kohl, Gerhard Schröder, was following the rules even much closer toward China. In his term of chancellor, he has visited China as much as three times with a lot of business. Angela Merkel replaced Schröder in 2005 to be the new german Chancellor. Her party issued “Asia as strategic challenge and chance for Germany and Europe” to regard China as competitor of trade and tactic. Merkel also gave a lot of pressure with “Human Rights” to China. This Article is for Merkel’s foreign policy toward China with “Level-Analysis”. Author expects to find the shift of the foreign policy toward China from Schröder to Merkel. In another part, Germany has its framework of the basic foreign policy. We should know that the german vital interest with protecting business can’t be changed. But there are still slight differences between each german government. That’s why author wants to find it in this thesis.