This study examines the evolution of Canadian defence organization and administration from the integration and unification of the Canadian Forces, starting with the arrival of Paul Hellyer as Minister of National Defence in 1963, to the full integration of military and civilian staffs at National Defence Headquarters in 1972. It seeks to understand the underlying defence management philosophy by explaining the evolving decision-making process and how and why certain management techniques and organizational concepts came to be embodied in the policy process. The goal of this work is to gain insight into not only the management of defence but its relationship to, and place within, general organization and management theory. The idea of rationalizing the business of defence lies at the heart of the history of the reorganizations in the 1960s and early 1970s. Management and organization were arranged to allow defence decision-making to become a more rational process, characterized by new degrees of control, in order to aid the overall effectiveness of the policy-making process. Overall, there existed a progression of administrative and management rationalization that had been occurring not only in the post-Second World War era, but since the turn of the century, both within and without the public sphere. While there was much to be critical about unification and the general defence policy vision of Hellyer, the evolution and development of modern management techniques in defence during the 1960s can largely be situated within an ongoing history of bureaucratization and management evolution of large scale organizations in general and military organizations in particular.

Les conflits sont tellement fréquents en Afrique sub-saharienne depuis les indépendances qu'on en a malheureusement pris l'habitude. Cette fréquence semble conforter l'idée que les Africains sont dans l'incapacité congénitale à gérer leurs pays et leurs ressources. Très souvent également, on considère que les conflits africains procèdent de la "culture" africaine qui serait par définition violente et agressive . Si les conflits sont manifestement une entrave au développement, ils sont aussi le résultat de l'absence de développement en Afrique.L'objectif de cette thèse est de comprendre les fondements économiques des conflits armés en Afrique sub-saharienne. c'est-à-dire que nous allons partir à la recherche des causes économiques des conflits. Les principales variables observées sont, le PIB par tête, l'aide internationale, les matières premières exportables, la dette du gouvernement, l'investissement direct étranger, la population, l'alimentation et l'eau. Nous postulons que tout processus permettant d'améliorer le développement économique des pays de l'Afrique noire est un moyen pour éviter un commencement de conflits. / Conflicts are frequent in sub-saharan African countries since their independence and unfortunately people consider such situation to be normal. This frequency seems to reinforce the idea that Africans are naturally unable to manage their resources. African conflicts are also very often considered as a result of African culture, which is termed as a violent and agressuve. If conflicts are obviously an obstacle to development, they are also the consequence of undevelopment in Africa.The objective of the PhD is to understand the ceonomic basis of armed conflicts in sub-saharan Africa. In other words, we seek toidentify economic causes of conflicts. The main variables observed are GDP per capita, international aid, raw materials for export, government debt, foreign direct investment, population, food and water. We confirm that any process that helps improve economic development in sub-saharan African countries is a way to avoid new conflicts.

Background: Ex-armed forces personnel constitute 3.5% of the prison population in England and Wales but we know little about why some former service personnel end up in prison. Furthermore, understanding what the mental health needs of this group are and how to meet them will inform service delivery and offending prevention strategies. Therefore, this study aimed to assess the mental health needs, and explore the pathways to offending, of ex-armed forces personnel in prison. Methods: A mixed methods design was used. A researcher administered questionnaire collected demographic information; details of pre-service; military experience; circumstances post-armed forces; and a detailed assessment of mental health of 105 male ex-armed forces personnel in prison. Their healthcare and offending records were accessed to record any formal mental health diagnoses and details of previous offending. Two studies made up the qualitative arm of the study: study 1 used semi-structured interviews (n = 20) to explore the pathways to offending of ex-armed forces personnel in prison from their perspective and study 2 employed semi-structured interviews with prisoners (n = 10) and a focus group with professionals (n = 5) to explore the service needs and treatment barriers of former service personnel in prison. Results: Of 105 participants, 40 (38%) screened positively for a current common mental health (CCMH) problem (i.e. depression, anxiety or post-traumatic stress disorder [PTSD]) and a high prevalence of alcohol misuse was assessed (n = 59, 56%). Over half of the sample were serving their first custodial sentence (n = 58, 55%). Violent offences were the most common index offence (n = 34, 32%) and the majority of the sample had previous convictions recorded (n = 70, 71%). Participants considered their pathways to offending as complex and incorporating pre-service, military service and post-service factors. Perceived influences on offending included mental health and substance misuse problems, impulsivity and problem solving difficulties. Prison was considered an opportunity to access help and staff having military awareness was thought to encourage help-seeking. However, stigma and previous negative experiences were perceived to make asking for help difficult and the variability in support across the prison estate was considered a barrier to support by all. Discussion: The findings of this study add to the literature and our knowledge of ex-armed forces personnel in prison. The study found that the mental health needs of the group are largely similar to the general prison population but that potential nuances exist regarding alcohol misuse and PTSD. The pathways to offending of the group are complex and are influenced by a number of factors in veterans' lives. Based on the findings of the study implications and directions for future work are discussed.

This thesis aims to analyse how well recruits of the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF) have embraced soldier ideals put forward by the SAF following a shift in means of recruiting, changing from a system of compulsive conscription to an All-volunteer force (AVF). This has been done using a Governmentality-analysis of an extensive survey conducted at Ärna Air Base in November of 2019. The concept of Governmentality has to do with the way states and other forms of authorities govern. Launched in the 1970s by French philosopher Michel Foucault, it is based on an understanding that states no longer governing mainly by force, but rather by appealing to its citizens’ free will governing through “the conduct of conduct”, through the creation of self-governing subjects. The recruits were asked to rank different reasons for enlisting, and to assess various ideal qualities of a soldier, as well as pictures used by the SAF with the intention to recruit soldiers. The results were widespread and showed a big dissonance both among the recruits internally but also between the SAF’s military identities promoted by the SAF and the recruits. In some instances, the recruits seem to embrace the SAF’s ideals and in others they seem to be hostile of them. A few reasons for this are suggested in the final chapter of the thesis for example the societal collective understanding of the SAF or the role of the instructing officers.

This dissertation examines the military occupation of the Afro-Indigenous Moskitia region of Central America in the context of the “War on Drugs.” Despite the ideological differences professed by the regimes that have clung to power in Nicaragua and Honduras from the late 2000s to 2020, both governments have channeled “anti-narcotics” military assistance from the United States to install Army and Navy outposts in practically every Caribbean Afro-Indigenous coastal village during the last decade. For the first time in history, Miskitu male soldiers have been systematically recruited and deployed to these new posts. While the War on Drugs is often theorized as a “thanatopolitical” intervention enforced by disembedded, sovereign state forces, this dissertation focuses instead on the everyday life of petty sovereignty: soldiers working in contexts where state and market infrastructure is rudimentary, and where they typically turn to local villagers for labor, supplies, and logistical support. Violating military rules, Nicaraguan and Honduran soldiers habitually find sexual and romantic companionship in Miskitu villages. Ricocheting between the vantage point of soldiers, their lovers and former lovers, occasional and dedicated drug merchants, and other residents of Miskitu villages across the Nicaragua-Honduras border, the dissertation interrogates Central American security regimes not only in relation to the history of war and extractivism in Afro-Indigenous regions, but also vis-à-vis Afro-Indigenous kinship and gender norms, property forms and economic practices, and overlapping jurisdictions of regional governance. Based on 27 months of participant-observation research in occupied Miskitu villages between 2014 and 2018, the dissertation compares the operations of the national armed forces of Nicaragua and Honduras to those of the United States’ Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). In 2012, the DEA launched a 90-day, drug-interdiction “pilot program” code-named Operation Anvil in Miskitu land under Honduran jurisdiction. The operation manifested differentiated practices of articulation and disarticulation across various spatial scales: a peculiar form of articulation to the Honduran central government –which DEA saw as a corrupt but corrigible ally in the fight against drug trafficking— and a radical form of disarticulation vis-à-vis Miskitu regional authorities—who were perceived, alternatingly and contradictorily, as 1) inexistent, 2) irrelevant, 3) nomadic, 4) foreign to the region, or 5) hopelessly corrupt. This imaginary gave shape to a governmental intervention that relegated indigenous criminalization to a discourse of last resort, but that upheld nation-state sovereignty over the Moskitia and elided all the questions of indigenous economic and political autonomy which have been central to the Moskitia’s regional politics since the 1980s. DEA agents disavowed relationships with regional authorities and residents on an a priori basis. In combination with the privileged forms of legal immunity protecting US law enforcement and military officials, such disavowal carried homicidal consequences. The Nicaraguan and Honduran militaries, on the other hand, interact closely with local residents, Afro-Indigenous authorities, and drug merchants. These relationships represent both resources and risks for Nicaragua and Honduras as geopolitically subordinate states. The risks largely derive from the contradictory demands of superordinate geopolitical entities that Nicaragua and Honduras “respect indigenous human rights” and simultaneously participate in the hemispheric “war on drugs.” Nicaragua and Honduras have addressed this contradiction by organizing multiculturalism and militarization on the basis of indirect rule. Indirect rule involves the limited incorporation of indigenous forms of socioeconomic and political organization into state governance, as well as the appointment of regional intermediaries such as Miskitu soldiers. These intermediaries act as lightning rods onto whom state institutions might displace responsibility. More than a “hearts and minds” strategy of counterinsurgency, military indirect rule fosters displacement and sublimation: displacement of risk towards the lower, racialized levels of governance; sublimation of refusal of the occupation towards questions of sex, love, and parental abandonment.

The activities of the Department of National Defence (DND) account for more than half of the Government of Canada's greenhouse gas emissions. This research examines a clean energy propulsion solution to DND’s carbon footprint using a Proton Exchange Membrane fuel cell (PEMFC) battery hybrid powertrain for military armoured vehicles as a means of meeting Canada's Greening Defence initiatives. Real-world military vehicle operational data is used to create the operation profile for military vehicle powertrain design requirements. Following the model-based design (MBD) approach, the vehicle dynamics, fuel cell system and powertrain system models implemented in MATLAB/Simulink are used to predict the vehicle's performance, emissions, and operational costs. This research examines the feasibility of using a fuel cell-battery electric powertrain for a military armoured vehicle and produces a feasible design solution to meet the identified vehicle operation and performance requirements. The fuel cost and powertrain component performance degradations are modelled to predict the operation costs of the clean vehicle with the benefits of reduced emissions, noise and thermal profiles. The results of this research suggest there are viable, clean propulsion system and energy storage system (ESS) configurations that satisfy the requirements of the operational profile of military armoured vehicles. This research serves as a foundation for the use of clean military vehicle propulsion in Canada. / Graduate

Whilst the role of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs was to neutralize armed groups and restore sustainable stability in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the proliferation of armed groups witnessed between 2013 and 2018 in the Kivu region interrogate the efficacy of implemented DDR programs. The DRC faces serious setbacks in terms of socio-economic and political development due to the presence of many armed groups oscillating in the eastern parts of the country, particularly the Kivu region. This situation poses peace and security problems not for the DRC alone but for the Great Lakes region. To stabilize this region, the DRC government and its International partners employed DDR programs as mechanisms to neutralize armed groups and reinstate sustainable peace and security. However, despite these efforts, there has been a rapid increase of non-state armed groups between 2013 and 2018 and an increase in violence against civilians leading to the displacement of millions of people. This study investigates the dynamics of various factors behind the creation of armed groups, their proliferation and resistance to DDR programs. The study reveals that there have been long grievances and unresolved crises behind armed groups’ resistance in the Kivu region including ethnic antagonism and resentment between autochthonous citizens and Kinyarwanda speakers; and the socio-economic deprivation, hardship of life and feeling of marginalization by the central government. This dissertation delineates better approaches to address the problem of armed groups and succeed in future DDR programs such as the establishment of a long-term reconciliation mechanism to address ethnic resentment created by war within communities in the Kivu region; and a national development plan guaranteeing socio-economic opportunities (income generating activities) to citizens in the Kivu region. This study uses a qualitative research approach to investigate the dynamics of non-state armed groups and disarmament challenges in the DRC. / Dissertation (MA (Political Sciences))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Mastercard Scholarship foundation / Political Sciences / MA (Political Sciences) / Unrestricted

"At present, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers reports that approximately 300,000 children in over 40 countries worldwide are engaged in armed conflict. Of the estimated 300,000 child soldiers in the world, 120,000 can be found in Africa alone. Apart from making them direct combatants, both governments and armed groups use children as messengers, lookouts, porters, spies able to entre small spaces, and even use them as suicide bombers and human mine detectors. In the due course of such use and abuse, children are forced to kill or are themselves killed, sexually assaulted, raped, forced to become wives of the commanders, exposed to drugs and forced labour, showing the cross cutting nature and magnitude of the problem of child soldiers. There are a variety of international legal standards which, at first glance, seem to give some direction and guidance in the protection of child soldiers. In spite of these legal instruments for the protection of child soldiers in Africa, however, much remains to be done as the problem is continuing at a larger scale every day and new challenges keep cropping up. This study will look into ways of addressing these problems in the context of Africa. Therefore, in order to address the issue to the best possible level, the normative framework in place may need to be strengthened. Moreover, in an attempt to be comprehensive in addressing the problem, ways of dealing with child soldiers who have allegedly committed atrocities during armed conflict should be included. This piece explores how these issues could possibly be addressed to provide for protection to the child soldier in Africa. ... The study consists of five chapters. Chapter one will set out the content in which the study is set. It highlights the basis and structure of the study. The second chapter will look into the magniture of child soldiers both at the international and the regional level. The third chapter, which will use the second one as a background, will critically reflect on the gaps and opportunities created by the normative framework protecting child soldiers in Africa. A comprehensive approach in addressing the problem of child soldiers calls for setting out possible mechanisms in treating child soldiers both as victims and 'perpetrators'. Speaking of child soldiers as perpetrators, the fourth chapter will set out the ways and means to be adopted in calling child soldiers to account for atrocities committed during armed conflict. Under the final chapter, which is chapter five, a conclusion is drawn and the way forward is indicated through recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Julia Sloth-Nielsen at the Faculty of Law, the University of the Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been described as the ‘rape capital of the world’ due to the severity and brutality of sexual violence that Congolese women experience. Sexual violence as a weapon of war in conflict-torn areas takes the form of rape, sexual slavery and the insertion of objects into cavities (such as knives, rifle barrels, pieces of glass, sticks, wood, bottles and pestles coated in chili pepper). It predominantly targets girls as young as two years old and women as old as eighty years old. Perpetrators of such illegal and immoral acts of violence in eastern DRC (North Kivu and South Kivu provinces) include members of the national army, members of rebel groups and United Nations Peacekeeping personnel. Congolese women’s rights are constantly undermined and violated. This is despite the country’s legal obligations to protect Congolese women through its ratification of a number of international and regional conventions and treaties which promote the rights of women and prohibit sexual violence. The Congolese Constitution contains provisions aimed at promoting and protecting women’s rights, including the protection of women against sexual violence. Despite various pieces of legislation and calls by human rights activists to halt acts of sexual violence, Congolese women continue to face unwanted pregnancies, abortions, sexually transmitted diseases, HIV/AIDS, destroyed reproductive organs, injuries and even death. Sexual violence continues unabated in eastern DRC as a tactic used by various armed groups to terrorise and control the population living in conflict-torn eastern DRC. This mini-dissertation is a cry for justice in that it highlights sexual violence crimes and other human rights abuses faced by women in eastern DRC and calls for perpetrators to be held accountable. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Centre for Human Rights / MPhil / Unrestricted

While cultural anthropology has a well-established tradition of studying armed conflict and postconflict societies, its consideration of morality in this context has hitherto been granted a tangential, rather than central role. Addressing this gap, the present thesis draws on qualitative data collected during four weeks of fieldwork carried out in the rural inland of Colombia’s Urabá region between June and July of 2018 to explore the ways in which morality is locally constructed in communities afflicted by a history of armed violence and rebel governance. Relying on the informal nature of networks and social relations identified by extant anthropological research, it develops an inductive analytical framework intended to examine the moral dimension of life in conflict-affected communities. More specifically, it explores how communities come to construct and share a moral framework passible of sustaining cooperative and interdependent relationships in light of the strain that protracted armed violence exertson social relationships and institutions. The obtained results highlight the existence of a binding sense of ‘moral intimacy’, which stems from the collective awareness of the contextual pressures that shape people’s moral judgments and often narrow the scope of personal agency. Individual morality and the constant challenges posed to it by life in conflict-afflicted areas are found to converge into a particularly adapted ‘extra-ordinary situational ethics of conflict’, characterized by ambiguity and mistrust, but also by tolerance and understanding for other people’s—and one’s own—moral shortcomings. Finally, the role of moral leaders is explored and differentiated with respect to its relation to the above-mentioned extra-ordinary situational ethics of conflict. The figure of ‘moral moderator’ is proposed in order to describe the articulating role of central figures that serve as reference points for the informal ethics that arise in surroundings characterized by pervasive and protracted violence. Overall, this thesis sheds light on the peculiar nature of morality in conflict-afflicted societies, and provides an empirical and theoretical contribution to its future systematic study.