Urban Development Projects (UDPs) have become hegemonic projects of redefining urban political priorities. The political construction of UDPs could not only be investigated through analyzing capital accumulation processes. To reveal how UDPs are politically constructed, this thesis investigates how governmental and non-governmental agents form a hegemonic block to mobilize hegemonic discursive practices and coercive-legislative mechanisms in the formation of UDPs. A Lefebvrian-inspired neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective is formulated to overcome eco nomic determinist and voluntarist agent-oriented approaches. Critical realist methodology is adopted with combining deductive and inductive strategies and qualitative and quantitative methods. In the first stage of research, the thesis critically and comparatively reviews the politics of different UDPs from different countries and then deduces initial arguments from this review. In the second stage, these arguments are reconsidered in the light of the empirical evidence of the case study. New City Center and Inciralti Tourism Center Development Projects from Izmir are investigated in the case study through critical discourse analysis, questionnaires and in-depth interviews. The case study reveals how governmental and non-governmental agents collaborate to mobilize public support and consent for UDPs. The concept of &ldquo / capacity to produce consent&rdquo / is proposed to theorize hegemonically constructed discourses, activities and relations of governmental and non-governmental a gents. However this hegemonically constructed capacity is no t the only base of political power. Legislative interventions operate as coercive mechanisms and play key roles in the implementation of UDPs. UDPs are politically constructed by the complementary relation and differential articulation of hegemonically constructed capacities and coercive-legislative mechanisms.

In this dissertation I investigate how individuals group others into sexual orientation (SO) categories based on a target's known sexual behaviors and romantic interests. I hypothesize that individuals known to have any non-heterosexual sexual or romantic interests are more likely to be perceived as "gay" (and not "straight") even when there is clear evidence of heterosexual interests and behaviors as well. This phenomenon has been termed "heterosexual exclusivity" in this work. In the process, I examine relevant writings and research on SO, including works related to SO in history, the conceptualization and measurement of SO, determinants of and influences on SO, the essentialism and social constructionism debate with regard to SO, innate bisexuality, and bisexual erasure. Additionally, I give specific focus to how and why men are affected by, as well as perpetuate heterosexual exclusivity. In doing so, I examine writings and research on the role and construction of masculinity as well as homophobia and the overlap of the two. I hypothesize that adherence to traditional masculinity and increased homophobia are predictive of increased heterosexual exclusivity in men. I also hypothesize that men are more likely to be the primary agents and targets of heterosexual [exclusivity]. The results supported most of these hypotheses. / text

Education and its associated resources continue to be unequally administered and delivered in the United States. All stakeholders in the education of the nation‘s children—parents, teachers, unions, school administrators, principals, community members and students, should be concerned with the inequities which abound in the country‘s education system African American male cohorts are particularly vulnerable in the US population as they face a series of challenges that continue to threaten their achievement, including those students who are academically gifted. The purpose of this study was to examine and interpret the philosophy, ideology, and educational practices of five teachers of African American males in gifted and talented programs in an urban secondary school. The following research questions guided the study: (a) How do teachers describe factors that promote achievement with African American males in Gifted and Talented Programs? (b) How do the life experiences of teachers influence their advocacy for African American males in Gifted and Talented Programs? (c) How do Gifted and Talented teachers of African American males participate in and influence identification and referrals of African American males in Gifted and Talented Programs? The naturalistic paradigm of inquiry guided the study to collect and analyze data. The participant sample consisted of five teachers of African American males in gifted and talented programs in an urban secondary school. In addition to a detailed review of the literature related to this population, data came from in-depth interviews and classroom observations. Data from the audio recorded and transcribed (verbatim) were analyzed using a thematic analysis. Some of the major findings reveal that the educational demographic landscape in the US and in Texas in particular highlights an underrepresentation of African Americans, and especially African American males in gifted and talented education. The themes that emerged from the study reveal that valuable insight can be gained from teachers of this cohort which can inform educational practice and policy. The teachers reported to be working hard for the success of all students and not just those from minoritized backgrounds. Nonetheless, all five teachers were committed to believing that all of their students had the potential to be successful, albeit some with more challenges than others. Their experiences and backgrounds frame their ideologies and in turn the way in which they teach and interact with these learners. It is important to note that despite these differences and diversity in their racial/ethnic backgrounds, each teacher reflects deep commitment and passion for these learners. The overall goal reported by the participants is to encourage creative problem solving, to develop content mastery, to serve as a role model for their students, regardless of racial or ethnic background. Ultimately, they believe that these are the keys to the success of all students, and particularly for African American male gifted and talented middle school students.

Programs that utilize soccer as a tool for social change are steadily emerging throughout townships and rural areas in South Africa, the most economically disadvantaged areas of the country. In South Africa, grassroots sport-for-social-change organizations are compensating for failed government policies and programs that seek to help at-risk youth. As a result, program staff are often members of the community who are not versed in academic critiques of the use of sport in development initiatives. Additionally, much of the existing literature on sport-for-social-change champions the advancement of specific projects without asking critical research questions, which should include the appropriateness of the modality within a given context. In this case, the complexities of using soccer (e.g., its practices, historical significance, and gendered meanings) have not been thoroughly investigated. Soccer is not a "genderless" tool for social change. Participation in violent sports such as soccer has been used to bolster claims of a naturalized dominance of men over women. Although participation by girls and young women in soccer programs (professional and recreational) is increasing in urban townships and rural areas, soccer pitches remain largely "masculinized spaces." In this study, I use qualitative research methods to show how gendered discourses organize sport-for-social-change programs. Using Ashcraft and Mumby's theory of feminist communicology and Connell and Messerschmidt's reformulated theory of hegemonic masculinity, I examine three sport-for-social-change organizations in South Africa through an applied lens with a feminist standpoint. Semi-structured interviews with twelve key informants were conducted over a three-month period between May and August of 2009. All three organizations studied are grassroots organizations that work within a particular area of South Africa. They each target male children and youth between the ages of 6 and 19 from economically disadvantaged households and use soccer as a modality for social change, yet each organization operates within a different cultural context primarily based on participants' racial, regional, and ethnic identities. My research found that masculine discourses were constructed, maintained, and contested in sport-for-social-change organizations through: (a) (Not) Engaging in (Social) Fatherhood, (b) Challenging the Temptation to Lead a Gangster Life and Have a "Gangster" Attitude, and (c) Challenging Patriarchy, Physical Assault, and Cultural "Traditions." Discourses also created paradoxes that worked against the goal of contesting local hegemonic masculinities, although these paradoxes were not typically identified by organizational members. Although I found similarities in the influences of local discourses on organizations such as the lingering effects of The Group Areas Act on urban migration that influenced men's roles within their families; the desire to create positive male role models that rejected characteristics associated with exemplars of hegemonic masculinity identified in each case study; and concerns about stopping the pattern of domestic violence prevalent in some communities, an issue that is also related to spread of HIV, I also found differences. Differences were based primarily on racial, regional and ethnic signifiers and affected the goals of each organization as well as the design of programs aimed at achieving these goals. This study expands the literature on gender issues in sport-for-social-change programs, particularly the designation of public spaces such as soccer pitches as masculinized spaces where women take on the role of visitor rather than welcomed participants. The history of soccer in South Africa proves that changing the gender dynamics on the soccer pitch can lead to significant changes in people's attitudes. Although women in South Africa now also hold important seats in government, the "politics of the pitch" continues to reflect discriminatory practices based on gender. This study shows how Connell and Messerschmidt's (2005) reformulated theory of hegemonic masculinity can be used as a lens to examine the "gendering" (Ashcraft & Mumby, 2004) of organizations through discourse, and some of the repercussions of gendered organizing. Additionally, although this study identified exemplars of hegemonic masculinity that endorsed violent, sexist practices that worked to subordinate women and privilege men, the theory of hegemonic masculinity leaves open the possibility of identifying exemplars of masculinity that also endorse feminist ideals. For example, this study found that discourses surrounding soccer challenged the violent "Body as Weapon" mentality often endorsed by players during football matches. Participants also resisted deeply entrenched cultural beliefs about gender norms by endorsing an ethic of care. Therefore, future case studies of sport-for-social-change organizations may wish to focus on identifying discourses that reject patriarchal beliefs rather than endorse them.

In recent decades, male protagonists in Australian realist fiction for young adult readers have increasingly become more others-regarding, emotionally intelligent, and self-aware. (John Stephens 2000; Perry Nodelman 2002). Psychologist Roger Horrocks (1995) claims these protagonists are less “tendentious and more realistic” than male protagonists of the past. These boys, despite not bearing the hallmarks of hegemonic masculinity, develop subjective agency and ultimately propose new ways for young men to construct their gender identity. Using Phillip Gwynne’s (1998) Deadly Unna? and David Metzenthen’s (2000) Boys of Blood and Bone as case studies, and my own novel My Private Pectus as creative practice, I explore the construction and deconstruction of hegemonic, complicit, and alternative masculinities in Australian realist young adult fiction. I also analyse the construction of the New Age Boy—a label used by John Stephens for young male protagonists who develop positive self esteem because of their perceived gender differences compared to boys of the hegemonic masculine type. By critiquing the manner in which masculinities are constructed in each case study, and supporting my critique through the literature of leading gender theorists, I question the seemingly homogenous manner in which the New Age Boy gains agency. This question is further explored through my creative practice, as I put into dialogue a protagonist who also recognises his gender differences, but instead of proposing a new and better masculinity, he tries to adhere to and reap the rewards of hegemonic masculinity.

<p>The aim of our study was to examine how homosexual and heterosexual men and women are represented in the Swedish magazine QX, a magazine for gay, bisexual and transgender people. We wanted to find out what kind of roles the persons in QX appears in, and inquire the relationships that exist between them.</p><p>We analyzed the texts in twelve magazines, from December 2008 to November 2009, in order to get the most current results as possible. We used a discourse analysis, with focus on identities, relationships and the representation of the world. Representations, gender, hegemonic masculinity and stereotypes have been significant theories to analyze our results.</p><p>The results showed that the successful gay man is the most important person in QX. He is the perfect masculine macho fagot, who is highest in rank. Something we found remarkable is that the gay women are subordinate to men, despite that QX is a magazine for both parts. The results also showed that homosexual women are represented more stereotyped than the homosexual men. The heterosexual men are represented as the homosexual men’s supporter, while heterosexual women are represented very queer and argues that a human’s gender, is not primarily in focus when it comes to relations. In our results, we could also see that, generally, there is a more sexistic tone in texts about men than in texts about women.</p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:16:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Deise de Oliveira da Silva.pdf: 4318330 bytes, checksum: f6687d847ba58ff46722760261855aad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-23 / This paper deals with the efforts for the Santo André (SP) municipal school net democratization and the public policies implemented for the achievement of that goal from 1997 to 2008, focusing on the political pedagogical project construction as democratic alternative and trying to identify the creation of mechanisms that supported this construction. With a qualitative character, the research developed a fieldwork ruled by the investigation of documents published in that period, conducted interviews, applied questionnaires and used focal groups, so that data provided a theoretic reflection and a dialogic analysis on the chosen thematic. A bibliographical study was founded on the ideas of Antonio Gramsci, the cultural hegemony theorist, who inspired the democratization-bound march. All the wa y long, this research tries to find a counter-hegemonic movement that signalizes possible changes in school and its contribution to a democratic space construction. The elaboration, following and evaluation of the political pedagogical project as a dialog reference are discussed on the grounds of "deal quality" concept, with Luiz Carlos de Freitas contributions. Another resource was the contributions of academically acknowledged authors with researches on the same subject, exposing the contradictory and conflictive dynamics for participative processes instauration, in a country withauthoritarian tradition such as Brazil. Data analysis allowed presenting and recognizing the boundaries of school management, historically centralized and hierarchical, observing in the process the creation of participating mechanisms for the construction of a new school management culture. The research elucidates the importance of a sociability place construction a place of struggle, according Gramsci, and of frontier, according Freitas , a space that allows the creation of social action possibilities constructed by both political and civil societies.(AU0 / Este estudo aborda os esforços para a democratização das escolas da rede municipal de Santo André (SP) e as políticas públicas implementadas para atingir esse fim no período de 1997 a 2008, tendo como foco principal a construção do projeto político pedagógico como alternativa democrática e buscando identificar a criação de mecanismos que corroboraram com essa construção. De caráter qualitativo, a pesquisa desenvolveu um trabalho de campo pautado na investigação dos documentos produzidos no período, realizou entrevistas, aplicou questionários e utilizaram-se grupos focais, a fim de que os dados possibilitassem uma reflexão teórica e uma análise dialogal sobre a temática escolhida. Apresenta-se um estudo bibliográfico ancorado nas idéias de Antonio Gramsci, o teórico da hegemonia cultural, que inspirou a caminhada em direção à democratização. Procura-se encontrar, ao longo desta pesquisa, o movimento contra-hegemônico que possa indicar sinais de possíveis mudanças na escola e sua contribuição com a construção de um espaço democrático. O projeto político pedagógico é visto como referência para o diálogo, e discutem-se sua elaboração, acompanhamento e avaliação com base no conceito de "qualidade negociada" a partir das contribuições de Luiz Carlos de Freitas. Também se expõem contribuições de autores econhecidos no meio acadêmico que pesquisam a temática em pauta, trazendo à tona a dinâmica contraditória e conflituosa para a instauração de processos participativos em um país de tradição autoritária como o Brasil. A análise dos dados permitiu apresentar e reconhecer os limites da gestão escolar historicamente centralizada e hierarquizada, observando neste processo a criação de mecanismos de participação para que uma nova cultura de gestão da escola seja construída. A pesquisa elucida a importância da construção do lugar do convívio ou seja, de luta, segundo Gramsci, e de fronteira, segundo Freitas , espaço que pode permitir a criação das possibilidades de atuação social construídas pela sociedade política e pela sociedade civil.(AU)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:16:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lilian Cangussu.pdf: 2280828 bytes, checksum: 96f0da0eca33ae3768e68b335d4c68f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-15 / This study it has as objective to verify if the educational politics of the CEU: Unified bred and implemented Educational center in the Municipal government of Marta Suplicy also presented as a proposal against-hegemonic of inclusive school and citizen, still exists in this current administration. It presents and it identifies to the principles of the project CEU, as well as its main differences inside of two perspectives politics: a progressive and another more conservative. With the transition of the administration he publishes through the ownership of elect mayor Jose continued Mountain range and with the exercise of vice-mayor Gilberto Kassab, the CEUs are citizens to the administrative changes technician and politics, becoming necessary the analysis of the continuity and the auto support of these educational complexes face the high investment of the demanded public resources in its implementation. A bibliographical study is also presented on the neoliberal politics in education and to official documents of the Municipal Net of São Paulo. Through the empirical research with protagonist of the project the main differences will be observed objectifying the analysis of the instituinte process. / Este estudo tem como objetivo verificar se a política educacional do CEU: Centro Educacional Unificado criado e implementado no governo Municipal de Marta Suplicy também apresentado como uma proposta contra-hegemônica de escola inclusiva e cidadã, ainda existe nesta atual administração. Apresenta e identifica os princípios do projeto CEU, bem como suas principais diferenças dentro de duas perspectivas políticas: uma progressista e outra mais conservadora. Com a transição da administração publica através da posse do prefeito eleito José Serra e continuada com o exercício do vice-prefeito Gilberto Kassab, os CEUs ficam sujeitos às mudanças técnico- administrativas e políticas, tornando necessária a análise da continuidade e da auto sustentabilidade destes complexos educacionais face ao alto investimento dos recursos públicos demandados em sua implementação. Apresenta-se um estudo bibliográfico sobre a política neoliberal em educação e também aos documentos oficiais da Rede Municipal de São Paulo. Por meio da pesquisa empírica com protagonista do projeto foram observadas as principais diferenças objetivando a análise do processo instituinte.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:09:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1634523 bytes, checksum: 245a8ec0c2cac2e99931236729f763b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has as its object of study the school board as a possibility for democratization of the management of the public school in the prospect of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model, which has community as its core/spindle. The work was theoretical and methodological supported by procedures mentioned by Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009), such as the sociology of absences, the sociology of emergences and translation work. The research seeks to answer the following question: before the clashes, advances and retreats around the construction of democracy in Brazil, had the School Board constituted a possibility of democratization of the management of public schools, from the community? We start from the assumption that knowledge silenced in the global South are produced as nonexistent, requiring ecology of knowledge and procedure of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences to elicit it, generating a range of other learning with ability to think better and possible future. All knowledge, evidenced from the sociology of absences and sociology of emergencies, need to talk to another, becoming an intercultural dialogue possible made intelligible through the work of translation. Based on this theoretical and methodological framework, we analyze the experience of the School Board at a public school in the João Pessoa s municipal education network where signals realize the political potential of the individuals who make up the community through the School Board, constituting itself as a possibility of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model of management of public schools. This is a qualitative research, with the empirical field of a school Municipal João Pessoa-PB, whose experience of School Board signals evidence of democratic practices in the performance of board members. As instruments for data collection we used semi-structured interviews, observation and field diary, taking as reference the performance possibilities of the council as a political instrument magnification of emancipatory practices of democratic participation, signaling the possibility of democratic management public school. We start from the understanding of the community categories, democracy and democracy counter-hegemonic, with investments in Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009). Democratic management according to Paro (2000), Cury (2002), Freitas (2007) and Andrade (2011). School boards in the perspective of Adrião; Campbell (2001), Werle (2003) and Marques (2011). From this perspective, the School Board, here understood as a political instrument of democratic management of public schools articulated to the school community, is a possibility not yet fully explored, in view of the regulatory community pillar, within the paradigm of Western modernity, pointed out by Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009) / This work has as its object of study the school board as a possibility for democratization of the management of the public school in the prospect of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model, which has community as its core/spindle. The work was theoretical and methodological supported by procedures mentioned by Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009), such as the sociology of absences, the sociology of emergences and translation work. The research seeks to answer the following question: before the clashes, advances and retreats around the construction of democracy in Brazil, had the School Board constituted a possibility of democratization of the management of public schools, from the community? We start from the assumption that knowledge silenced in the global South are produced as nonexistent, requiring ecology of knowledge and procedure of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences to elicit it, generating a range of other learning with ability to think better and possible future. All knowledge, evidenced from the sociology of absences and sociology of emergencies, need to talk to another, becoming an intercultural dialogue possible made intelligible through the work of translation. Based on this theoretical and methodological framework, we analyze the experience of the School Board at a public school in the João Pessoa s municipal education network where signals realize the political potential of the individuals who make up the community through the School Board, constituting itself as a possibility of building a democracy to counter-hegemonic liberal model of management of public schools. This is a qualitative research, with the empirical field of a school Municipal João Pessoa-PB, whose experience of School Board signals evidence of democratic practices in the performance of board members. As instruments for data collection we used semi-structured interviews, observation and field diary, taking as reference the performance possibilities of the council as a political instrument magnification of emancipatory practices of democratic participation, signaling the possibility of democratic management public school. We start from the understanding of the community categories, democracy and democracy counter-hegemonic, with investments in Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009). Democratic management according to Paro (2000), Cury (2002), Freitas (2007) and Andrade (2011). School boards in the perspective of Adrião; Campbell (2001), Werle (2003) and Marques (2011). From this perspective, the School Board, here understood as a political instrument of democratic management of public schools articulated to the school community, is a possibility not yet fully explored, in view of the regulatory community pillar, within the paradigm of Western modernity, pointed out by Santos (2002, 2006, 2007, 2010, 2011), Santos; Avritzer (2002) and Santos; Meneses (2009)

The purpose of this study is to examine the hegemonic masculinity that can be identified in the podcast “Alex och Sigges podcast”. In this study, a rhetorical analysis and a critical discourse analysis have been conducted. The study has also used the following theories: Raewyn Connells hegemonic masculinity, Pierre Bourdieus field and symbolic capital theory, homosociality, “power and media” and “humor and discours”. The material consists three chapters from the podcast, and these three chapters are: Stympad, Pysslingen and Där alla kan ditt namn. From these chapters, some conversation extracts have been selected, and then transcribed and analyzed. The content in the analysis is thematically divided, which is intended to visualize how the different parts reproduce or challenge hegemonic masculinity. These extracts, taken out from context, will be represented for the podcast in a broader perspective.   In the end of the study there is a final discussion, which conclude results of the analysis combined with parts of the theoretical chapter. This study believes that the podcast “Alex och Sigges podcast” is creating a new type of ideal man through Schulman and Eklunds construction of hegemonic masculinity. By visualizing economic, social and cultural capital and using humor and laugh as a tool in their way to communicate, the podcast shows their listeners how hegemonic masculinity is maintained. Schulman and Eklund also challenge the prevailing masculinity norms, especially in their role as a father, where they show how a man can be sensitive, communicative and open about  showing feelings to others. Hence, the title of the study, where they are successively creating “a modern cityman”.