This inquiry analyzes the necessity for the Irish Repeal Party's alliance with the Catholic Church, especially during the two crucial years prior to the Great Famine, The Repeal Party during this time sought to defend the predominantly rural subsistence Irish society against British policies of coercion and assimilation. The main organization at the national and popular level to unify this Irish resistance to British policies was the Irish Catholic Church. Daniel O'Connell acted as the bridge between the Parliamentary Irish Repeal party and the Catholic Church. This was closely linked to his aims and methods which he conceived in the immediate practical terms of Irish survival against the threat of cultural and economic extinction. He therefore rejected as unrealistic the more absolutist doctrine of nationality of his Young Ireland critics and rivals within his party. He recognized that their ultimate ideals of physical resistance to the almost total military control that Britain exercised over Ireland would be futile, and possibly disastrous for the Irish people. He insisted, instead, on "moral force" and Constitutional methods to achieve peaceful co-existence with Ireland's more dominant neighbour, Britain. His Catholic alliance was essential to these pragmatic and constitutional ends. The introductory chapters set the historic framework for this most important phase of the British-Irish conflict from 1844 to 1846 which was centered around a struggle for control of the Irish Catholic Church. Ireland's development is traced from a position of almost complete domination and control by Britain and a lack of organized resistance at the Act of Union in 1800, to a political voice and organized resistance at a national and popular level in 1844. In this historical process, Daniel O’ Connelly Repeal Party, supported by the Irish Catholic leaders, acted as a major catalyst. Next, the trial of Daniel O'Connell in 1844 on charges of sedition against the British government is examined as a model in miniature of the British-Irish conflict that had raged in the preceding years. It was the culmination of this conflict, showing that the accused was also, in a political sense, the accuser. O'Connell’s acquittal was a moral refutation of British policies that supported the Protestant government oligarchy practice of discrimination against Catholic Ireland. Furthermore, it and the subsequent repercussions in Britain, aggravated the growing dissension within the ruling British Conservative party. From this point, the policy of the British government towards the Irish Repeal Party took a more devious turn, and never again directly challenged O'Connell. Rather, it attempted to divide the Irish nation, and especially its Catholic leaders, by coercion and bribery. Also in 1844, the British government failed to persuade the Papacy to compel the Irish Church leaders to abandon Repeal. Instead, it only succeeded in strengthening the bonds between Catholicism and the national movement of O'Connell, which had become a "cause celebre" in the Catholic context of Europe. By 1845 the British policy towards the Irish Catholic Church had shifted to belated recognition and half-hearted conciliation. The increased Maynooth Grant of 1845 was a prime example of an isolated and limited gesture. The goodwill engendered by this was counteracted by the strength of the anti-Catholic opposition to the Bill. In addition, the immediate subsequent introduction of the Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill, without consulting the Irish Church leaders, and with its implied threat to Irish culture and Catholic influence, further reduced the favourable impression that the British government had created among the Irish Catholic leaders by the Maynooth Grant. These British policies revealed the weakening of the government's efforts at ideological assimilation, and the strength of the Catholic base of Irish nationalism under the leadership of Daniel O'Connell. The ensuing controversy within the Repeal Party from 1845 between the more secular physical force Young Ireland nationalists and O'Connell's Catholic supporters served to intensify the latter's link with his moral, force and constitutional objectives. It was not his failure of leadership in his last two years, as his critics have supposed, that temporarily interrupted his constitutional movement at his death. It was, rather, the major tragedy of the Great Famine, compounded by British administrative failure and the consequent abortive Young Ireland rebellion in 1848, that left the constitutional movement without a strong leader. O'Connell's heritage and most permanent contribution was to give the Irish Catholic Church a more unified and active political role within the national movement, and thus provide a base during those years from which the Irish constitutional national movement in the late nineteenth century could be launched. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

In the autumn of 1775, American revolutionaries invaded Canada in the hope of winning a fourteenth colony for the cause, dealing a fatal blow to the British war effort, and forcing London to reconcile on American terms. Led by Richard Montgomery and Benedict Arnold, the two-pronged effort met with nothing but victory on the way to Quebec. Set back by an unexpected repulse on December 31, however, the Northern Army was finally forced to retreat from the province altogether in the summer of 1776. Having failed either to secure an alliance with Canada or to achieve reconciliation with Britain, the campaign proved a total disaster, and has therefore been understudied or ignored completely by most historians. This dissertation argues that the invasion of Canada proved crucial in destroying the British empire in America and creating the social logic for independence. When the campaign failed to deliver on its primary objectives, American leaders in Philadelphia and colonists throughout the home front recognized that reconciliation was impossible. Historians frequently give credit to Thomas Paine’s Common Sense for igniting widespread calls for independence, but it was the failure of the Canadian campaign that lent urgency to these arguments, occasioning the swift transition from colonial rebellion to all-out civil war for American independence. The nature of the conflict had changed, creating a political-military context that made foreign assistance and a declaration of independence essential to sustaining the Revolution. This study also hopes to break down military history as a category too frequently walled off from other branches of historical inquiry. Early American historians tend to imagine the American Revolution and the War for Independence as two overlapping but distinct events. By analyzing the Canadian campaign’s effect upon the American home front, this dissertation seeks to use military events as a lens to reorient our understanding of the breakdown of empire and the path to independence. / 2022-08-31T00:00:00Z

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

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The purpose of this study was to investigate newspaper poetry appearing in selected British colonial newspapers from the Stamp Act crisis of 1765 through July, 1776, to reflect upon the political implications of that poetry, and to assess its use as a propaganda vehicle by both sides in the conflict between Great Britain and her thirteen American colonies.Newspapers were selected on the basis of regional location and political viewpoint. Newspapers from New England, the Middle Atlantic colonies, and from the Southern colonies were reviewed for the study. The political views of the newspapers ranged from those staunchly loyal to Great Britain to those which consistently opposed British policies in the colonies.The political poetry published in colonial newspapers followed the popular literary fashions of the day. Neo-classical forms such as the pastoral eclogue and the rhymed conplet appeared frequently. Ballads and songs were popular and their lyrics were printed in colonial newspapers. Strong literary influences in political poetry were Samuel Butler's Hudibras, the works of Charles Churchill, and Alexander Pope.Political poetry appeared regularly in most British colonial newspapers. It was found that political poetry was published more frequently when the conflict between Great Britain and her American colonies grew more intense. Crises such as the Stamp Act, the Townshend Acts, the Boston Tea Party, and the so-called "Intolerable Acts" produced a greater volume of political poetry than did the quieter periods between those crises.Political poetry was used as a propaganda device to praise and to attack political and military leaders of both sides in the conflict. Two of the favorite targets of anti-British writers were Thomas Hutchinson and General Thomas Gage the last royal governors of Massachusetts. George Washington, John Hancock, and other colonial leaders were praised by their supporters and satirized by the Loyalists. King George III, who had not been openly attacked until independence was being actively considered, became the subject of vicious poetic attack by early 1776.The armed conflict between the colonies and Great Britain began with Lexington and Concord in April, 1775. From that time through July, 1776, the content of political poetry in colonial newspapers reflected nearly every major event both military and political. Particular attention was given to military heroes, especially those, such as General Richard Montgomery, who were killed in battle. 'she very frequency with which political poetry appeared in colonial newspapers was an indicator of its importance as a propaganda vehicle.The struggle between Loyalist and Whig on the political level was joined at the editorial level as well. Whig editors such as Benjamin Edes, Isaiah Thomas, and Peter Timothy were not sparing in their attacks on the Tory press. They were answered in kind by Tory editors such as Richard Draper, James Rinington and Hugh Gaine. Their conflicts became a subject for political poetry. By 1775 the Loyalist press had been forced to cease publication.Newspapers carried the bulk of revolutionary propaganda. Because they reprinted news from many sources, newspapers gave the public a colony-wide view. Most newspapers printed political poetry; some even carried regular poetry sections, the contents of which were frequently related to the political events of the time. The space given to poetry in colonial newspapers of the period was enormous compared with modern newspapers. The space and position of poetry in the newspapers added another dimension to the use of poetry as a propaganda vehicle.Poetry was not only published in newspapers, it was published as broadsides, in magazines, and in pamphlets. Poetry was also a regular part of the celebrations of various political groups during the period. Poetry became, for organizations such as the Sons of Liberty, an almost ritualistic part of their meetings. Poetry had a wide appeal to many groups within the society of the time.In view of the wide appeal of poetry, its versatility and universality as a propaganda vehicle, and its wide distribution throughout the colonies; it became obvious that political poetry and, more specifically, that poetry which appeared in colonial newspapers, was an effective and integral weapon for both sides in the propaganda war waged between 1765 and 1776.

Orientador: André Koch Torres de Assis / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Fisica Gleb Wataghin / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T11:28:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Chaib_JoaoPauloMartinsdeCastro_D.pdf: 18802562 bytes, checksum: 7a37bc6728a03158752193708b51fb64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Apresentamos a força de Ampère entre elementos de corrente e discutimos detalhadamente as grandezas que aparecem nesta lei. Analisamos o caminho percorrido por Ampère para chegar na sua força entre elementos de corrente. Mostramos suas primeiras experiências, as formulações iniciais de sua força, as experiências de Biot e Savart, assim como a in u¿encia da experiência da rotação contínua de Faraday na determinação do valor final da força entre elementos de corrente de Ampère. Apresentamos os diversos casos de equilíbrio introduzidos por Ampère e sua relevância metodológica na obtenção de leis quantitativas na física. Mostramos as contribuições de Savary na elaboração das consequências quantitativas da força de Ampère e o impacto que elas tiveram sobre Biot, Savart e Ampère. Discutimos alguns dos principais trabalhos, cartas e manuscritos de Ampère, desde 1820 até sua obra máxima de 1826, o Théorie des Phénomènes Électro-dynamiques, Uniquement Déduite de l¿Expérience. Apresentamos uma tradução completa desta obra e das notas que a acompanham. / Abstract: We present Ampère¿s force between current elements and discuss in detail the magnitudes which appear in this law. We analyze the trajectory followed by Ampère in order to obtain his force between current elements. We show his first experiments, the initial formulations of his force, the experiments of Biot and Savart, and the in uence of Faraday¿s experiment of uninterrupted rotation in the determination of the final value of Ampère¿s force between current elements. We present the several cases of equilibrium introduced by Ampère and their methodological relevance in order to obtain quantitative laws in physics. We show the contributions of Savary for the elaboration of the quantitative consequences of Ampère¿s force and the impact they had upon Biot, Savart and Ampère. We discuss some of the main works, letters and manuscripts of Ampère, from 1820 until his masterpiece of 1826, the Théorie des Phénomènes Électro-dynamiques, Uniquement Déduite de l¿Expérience. We present a complete translation of this work and of the notes which follow it. / Doutorado / Física / Doutor em Ciências

Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2012

Art is the final product of the system and the ground can gain a complete intuition of itself through works of art. Art therefore becomes the final destination of the system. Schelling thinks that only the works of art can completely unify thinking and reality, the infinite and the finite, the universal and the particular, the subjective and the objective, give equal respect to each opposing pole, completely reflect the original identity and fulfill the primordial demand. What Schelling in his philosophy of art reveals is that philosophizing or reflection is not sufficient to solve the ultimate questions asked by itself. Thinking or rationality is not the foundation of world and reality. In fact, thinking and reality are equally the products of the ground. Hence, it is unreasonable and one-sided to make any one product the dominant factor and even the first principle of the unification and the whole system. / Before Schelling, Kant has already placed aesthetics in a system of philosophy, but he is not genuinely concerned about the question of art. Schelling is the first philosopher who places art within a system of philosophy and endows art a paramount role in the system. For Schelling, at least in his early thinking, art is not only a necessary question in philosophy, but is also its very origin and final destination. This position is quite extraordinary to for philosopher. Why does Schelling, as a philosopher, make such claim? How can art become the origin and destination of philosophy and sciences? What is the true essence and significance of art? These are the major questions of this dissertation. Schelling's discourse on art in his System of Transcendental Idealism and Philosophy of Art will be explicated. In order to make Schelling's contention more apparent, the discussions on art in Hegel and the early German romantic such as Friedrich Schlegel, Holderlin and Novalis will be included as well. / From the discourse on art, we see that Schelling, who is known as a German idealist, pays much attention to the question of existence and gives much respect to reality as such. Hence, Schelling's intellectual identity is quite ambivalent and should be re-examined. The second major task of this dissertation is to deliberate whether Schelling is an early German romantic or a German idealist, and whether there is a transition from romanticism to idealism in Schelling's philosophy. In order to answer these questions, the general positions of early German romanticism and German idealism should be first articulated. Then, the consistency of Schelling's thought will be verified. This dissertation argues for consistency of Schelling's system throughout his life and for Schelling's reconciliation of romanticism and idealism. Instead of being a preparation to Hegel's system, this dissertation will show that Schelling's fundamental concern and position are incompatible with that of Hegel. Despite his affinity with the romantic thought, the position of the demand of the ground and the final anticipation of future development are different in Schelling and the romantics. / The ground is for Schelling nothing else but the original One and the primordial demand. In order to explain and attain the unity of everything, the ground is posited as original identity; in order to explain the origin of existence and thinking, the ground is posited as a primordial demand. This demand is the demand for intuiting or knowing itself. Since the first principle is a demand, the system therefore becomes a dynamic and dialectical one. The whole system of Schelling is thus constructed according to two basic activities originated from the primordial demand: separation and unification. / Unlike contemporary aesthetic discussions, Schelling's discourse on art is never detached from the context of philosophy or metaphysics. For Schelling, what philosophy or metaphysics ultimately questions about are the unity and the ground of existence and thinking. Following Kant, Schelling, like his romantic and idealistic contemporaries, recognizes that the problem of unity is the fundamental question of philosophy. But diverging from Kant, Schelling thinks that there is no way to attain and explain the unity unless the ground is first investigated. / Wong, Wing Yuen. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 71-01, Section: A, page: 0210. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 309-322). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in English and Chinese.