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This thesis stages a meeting between the work of French philosopher Gilles Deleuze and the short fiction of Italian writer Italo Calvino. This meeting has as its subject the question of the human and the non-human. What forces make up the human? What assemblages of elements make up language, literature, subjectivity? And what does it mean that these forces come from outside the human at the same time as they create the human? Calvino is often accused of being an unemotional writer, lacking in human warmth. With this I agree completely. Calvino does lack human warmth because he allows non-human forces to penetrate his writing, taking it beyond conventionalized and banal prefabricated emotion into a dimension of new intensities. Deleuze will provide us with a vocabulary of concepts with which to discuss these non-human forces and their potential for moving the human out of itself and into a new assemblage of thoughts, passions and actions.

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This dissertation is a study of Robert F. Kennedy's images in the American news media. By using a geographically representative sample of widely-circulated daily newspapers as well as periodical magazines, Kennedy's career was examined from 1953, when he was Senator Joseph McCarthy's assistant counsel, to 1968 when he was a Presidential candidate. The examination was keyed on a number of sensitive issues in which Kennedy was involved: McCarthyism, civil rights and the war in Vietnam, to name three. Sometimes Kennedy himself was the issue, such as when he was appointed Attorney General and when he ran for the offices of United States Senator and President.Robert Kennedy's career was a controversial one. As Chief Counsel for the Rackets Committee and as Attorney General he was widely perceived as a tough and tenacious enforcer of the law. Some members of the press approvingly saw Kennedy as a scrupulous defender of what was right and decent in American society. Others condemned him as self-righteous and a true disciple of Joseph McCarthy.With President Kennedy's assassination, Robert Kennedy's career was radically altered. He was elected to the Senate in 1964, where he became increasingly outspoken on a broad range of Johnson administration policies. Most controversial, however, were the positions he took on the war in Vietnam. Increasingly Critical of the United States role in the war, Kennedy was pictured by a few editors as a man trying to come to grips with a national emergency. Many more thought Kennedy was using the war to attack President Johnson for his own political purposes.As early as 1962, editorialists speculated about Robert Kennedy's political future and the Presidency. The speculation was heightened by the murder of John Kennedy. Furthermore, the more critical senator Robert Kennedy became of President Johnson, the more imminent a final break between the two politicians seemed. When the final break came, in March 1968, few in the press were surprised. Some were outraged, however, particularly supporters of Eugene McCarthy who was already running for President on a platform similar to Kennedy's. The Presidential race was the most controversial period in Robert Kennedy's career and it was also the period which was most intently covered by the press. Between 1953 and 1968, two separate and in some ways antithetical images of Robert Kennedy emerged. One Kennedy was ruthless and obsessed with power. The other was a bold spokesman for the underrepresented and outcast.

Loved or despised, black ministers Malcolm X and Martin Luther King made their ways from birth in Baptist parsonages separated by half a continent to significant positions in mid-twentieth century America. Both men were painfully dramatizing black problems and poignantly articulating black-white tensions when their careers were violently concluded in their thirty-ninth years by assassins' bullets-This dissertation is a study of the goals and strategies of these two ministers who became martyrs in the cause of freedom. The writings and speeches of each man served the author as the basic source from which the concepts which guided Malcolm and King were gleaned.Chapter I presents brief, integrated biographies of Malcolm and King as well as their reactions to the ideas of one another. Chapters II and III deal with Malcolm and King, respectively; the format is the same for both chapters. Following a short introduction, goals are reviewed. Then, attention is turned to the strategies by which each leader sought to secure his goals. At the end of each chapter a number of summary ideas which represent the author's personal reaction to the life of the man under review are presented. Chapter IV concludes the dissertation with an essay in which the styles and ideas of the two men are compared andcontrasted.Opinions about Malcolm and King and their roles in American society are as diverse as the number of people who have heeded them. -4To some, these two represent American determination for freedom at its most noble level; others cast them in the role of despicable demogogues. Some were able to accept King's leadership while rejecting Malcolm's. Some, who at first repudiated King, began to accept him when Malcolm's impassioned voice stirred new visions of racial revolution. Others felt that Malcolm was possessed with an urgency that was lacking in the approach of King.The operational principles of King's life were well defined when he became pastor of a Southern church in 1954. Early in his life King had synthesized the Christian message of love and the Ganahh en teaching, of nonviolence; this synthesis was to provide the springboard for his future ideology and program. It should not be assumed, however, that King did not develop new visions nor sense new relationships as he traveled the tortuous road from Montgomery to Memphis. Rather, it was his basic, undergirding position which was unchanged as he moved along that route.On the other hand, any attempt to force Malcolm's strategy into such a unitary mold will result in an inaccurate evaluation of the man. During the last fifty weeks of his life, Malcolm was undergoing significant philosophical changes. Even though he had earnestly preached orthodox Black Muslim doctrine for a dozen years, the split with Elijah Muhammad in early 1964 and especially the transforming Mecca pilgrimage caused his thinking to move in radically new directions. Many of his positions were not yet fully defined nor articulated at the time of his death.Malcolm and King presented American blacks with alternative means to secure the same goals. Both dramatically expressed feelings that were shared, some perhaps unconsciously, by most blacks. Their fearless articulation of the black plight attests to their personal integrity and their unflinching determination to build a more just world. By defining problems in a simple, naked manner a nation was briefly aroused from its apathy to deal creatively with its racial crisis. Perhaps, even now, the message Malcolm and King espoused has been too quickly forgotten.

This dissertation provides a narrative analysis of the political career of former Senate Majority Leader Howard H. Baker, Jr. Based principally upon findings from interviews, public papers, newspapers, and other primary sources, the study includes accounts of Mr. Baker's bids for Senate Republican Leader in 1969, 1971, and 1977, his campaign for the Presidency in 1980, and his failure to secure the nods for the position of Vice President in 1968, 1973, 1974, and 1976. Its focus, however, lies upon his legislative work and his role in the development of a statewide two-party system in his native Tennessee. It can be said without question that Baker defined the overriding issue of all Watergate investigations with his query, "What did the President know and when did he know it?" Equally evident from this treatise is Baker's role as the de facto architect of the coalition which emerged in the mid 1960s to challenge Democratic hegemony at the state level in Tennessee. With well-reasoned appeals to those groups disenchanted with those inBaker won a landslide victory in 1966 and even larger margins in 1972 and 1978. In the meantime, several younger Tennessee Republicans captured other onetime Democratic seats using much the same strategy.Much of Baker's success at the polls sprang from the perception that his outlook coincided sharply with the moderately conservative weltanschuung predominant within his constituency. Unlike many to his right, however, Baker believed his party could not be merely naysayers, but had a duty to offer alternatives to Democratic proposals for the alleviation of societal problems. Upon becoming Leader, he, following the pattern of Robert Taft, rallied his caucuses behind solutions utilizing the free-market approach. Well established by this time was his reputation as a problem-solver and a conciliator. Prior to 1977, he had played integral roles in the development of the Fair Housing Act, revenue sharing, the monumental antipollution bills of the early 1970s, the opening of the highway trust fund to mass transit programs, and legislation accelerating the reapportionment of state legislatures. Thereafter, he played equally significant, and sometimes determinative parts in the approval of the Panama Canal Treaties, the sale of jets to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, the creation of the Department of Education, the Reagan economic program, the lifting of the arms embargo on Turkey, and the designation of the birthday of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. as a federal holiday. Only Hubert Humphrey, Henry Jackson, and Russell Long among the Democrats with whom he served has as broad a scope of accomplishment. Within his own caucus, his only equal was Everett Dirksen, his father-in-law.

Diss.--Geschichtswissenschaftliche Fakultät--Tübingen--Universität Tübingen, 1989. / Bibliogr. p. 283-300. Index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1956. / Typescript. Vita. Published in book form in 1957 under title: Central banking in Mexico: monetary policies and financial crises, 1864-1940. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [263]-266).

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2003. / Bibliography: leaves 120-125. Also available online.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Artes, 2006. / Submitted by mariana castro (nanacastro0107@hotmail.com) on 2009-09-24T20:19:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Joana Vasconcellos Prudente.pdf: 7939210 bytes, checksum: 9e990cfcd81809685bd848c8d4a845d2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gomes Neide(nagomes2005@gmail.com) on 2011-01-04T18:17:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Joana Vasconcellos Prudente.pdf: 7939210 bytes, checksum: 9e990cfcd81809685bd848c8d4a845d2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-01-04T18:17:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Joana Vasconcellos Prudente.pdf: 7939210 bytes, checksum: 9e990cfcd81809685bd848c8d4a845d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-02 / A dissertação aborda a questão do olhar a partir do entrecruzamento do conto "O Búfalo", de Clarice Lispector, e algumas obras de Pablo Picasso e de Man Ray. O conto - defrontado às obras e analisado a luz de conceitos psicanalíticos de pulsão escópica (Freud e Lacan) e da teoria e crítica da arte - guia o trabalho, que é elaborado à maneira de uma rede de comentários. Neste texto, Lispector traça uma parábola da desmontagem do olhar estruturado perspectivamente e da ultrapassagem da questão da forma em oposição seja ao conteúdo, seja à matéria - que é paralela à desestruturação promovida pela arte moderna, aqui representada por Picasso e Man Ray. As obras destes se relacionam ao texto de duas maneiras: por analogia entre algumas de suas representações de touros e minotauros e o búfalo que dá nome ao conto; e por sua pertinência à discussão sobre o informe. Resulta desta amarração uma apreensão o olhar clivado pelo desejo e não mais unilateral: um olhar que, ao destacar-se daquele que vê, olha-o. A arte, tanto imagética, quanto textual, aparece como estratégia sobretudo de cegamento, que esconde ao invés de mostrar, revelando o que constitui o visível.