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The core theme of this thesis explores the evolving position of religion in the British public realm in the 1980s. Recent scholarship on modern religious history has sought to relocate Britain's "secularization moment" from the industrialization of the nineteenth century to the social and cultural upheavals of the 1960s. My thesis seeks to add to this debate by examining the way in which the established Church and Christian doctrine continued to play a central role in the politics of the 1980s. More specifically it analyses the conflict between the Conservative party and the once labelled "Tory party at Prayer", the Church of England. Both Church and state during this period were at loggerheads, projecting contrasting visions of the Christian underpinnings of the nation's political values. The first part of this thesis addresses the established Church. It begins with an examination of how the Church defined its role as the "conscience of the nation" in a period of national fragmentation and political polarization. It then goes onto explore how the Anglican leadership, Church activists and associated pressure groups together subjected Thatcherite neo-liberal economics to moral scrutiny and upheld social democratic values as the essence of Christian doctrine. The next chapter analyses how the Church conceptualized Christian citizenship and the problems it encountered when it disseminated this message to its parishioners. The second half of this study focuses on the contribution of Christian thought to the New Right. Firstly, it explores the parallels between political and religious conservatism in this period and the widespread disaffection with liberal Anglicanism, revealing how Parliament became one of the central platforms for the traditionalist Anglican cause. Secondly, it demonstrates how those on the right argued for the Christian basis of economic liberalism and of the moral superiority of capitalism over socialism. The next chapter focuses on the public doctrine of Margaret Thatcher, detailing how she drew upon Christian doctrine, language and imagery to help shape and legitimise her political vision and reinforce her authority as leader. Finally, the epilogue traces the why this Christian-centric dialogue between the Church and Conservative government eventually dissipated and was superseded by a much more fundamental issue in the 1990s as both the ruling elite and the Church were forced to recognise the religious diversity within British society.

During the late nineteenth-century William Ross became the minister of Cowcaddens Free Church Glasgow, which was situated in an area of serious social deprivation. Subsequently the church experienced significant growth and was recognised by contemporaries as an example of successful urban mission amongst the working class. This study aims to explore the reasons for the apparent success of the church and its minister, the influences which formulated their response to the urban environment, and how this compares with the work and growth of other churches within the same locality. The wider aim is to explore the extent to which the social status, activities and work of Cowcaddens Free Church either support or contradict, existing understandings about the place of religion in nineteenth-century working class life and patterns of religious decline. This study also assesses the approach of Ross and his church to ‘social concern’, a subject of considerable importance to evangelicals during the nineteenth-century. The evidence concerning church growth and the social status of the congregation is explored through detailed statistical analysis. Examination of archive material and secondary sources contribute to the formation of a more detailed picture of the local social context in which Cowcaddens Free Church operated, and of the wider Scottish theological and ecclesiological context. The evidence suggests that this was an active, growing, working class church which succeeded in attracting the urban masses to religion, but that it did so through a concentration on evangelistic outreach rather than an emphasis on social concern. As an example of religious growth and successful urban mission, Cowcaddens Free Church contributes to ongoing research concerning the importance of religion to the urban working class, and present understanding of patterns of religious growth and decline during the nineteenth-century.

This thesis argues that George MacLeod, Church of Scotland minister and popular radio preacher, developed a distinctive Christian social vision whilst working in Govan, in the 1930s. The vision, which called for renewal in corporate worship and a new ‘social gospel’, has been underestimated in its importance. For renewal, he promoted aspects of liturgical and sacramental traditions within Scoto and Anglo-Catholicism and reinterpreted doctrine and scripture in the light of modern scientific and biblical scholarship, encouraging more sophisticated expressions of faith for increasingly literate congratulations. His ‘social gospel’ and new theological profile, influenced by Anglican expressions of ‘Christian Socialism’, developed in response to endemic social injustices within mature capitalist economies, rising collective movements and communist and fascist ideologies, which threatened to remove injustices through violent means. MacLeod sympathised increasingly with political socialism, supporting gradual and peaceful reform. His eclectic vision grew out of experiences of war, the legacy of previous MacLeod Tory paternalists and radical clerics, by the theatre and symbolism of Eastern Orthodox traditions and popular themes within ‘Celtic Christianity’. These reinforced his emphasis on the incarnation, divine immanence, ecumenism and community; themes associated with ‘Christian Socialism’. MacLeod joined John White’s crusade, in the 1930s, to review national religion, the parish system and godly commonwealth ideal. However, admiring the ecumenical movement and figures like John Baillie and William Temple, he sought a united Christian witness across boundaries of nation, ethnicity, class and denomination. Iona, boasting its important pre-reformation Christian witness, seemed to symbolise an indigenous yet ecumenical expression of the faith, during Scotland’s interwar romantic cultural renaissance. This research contextualises his teachings, explains the development of his vision and uncovers the original purpose of the Iona Community he founded in 1938, more fully than any previous research.

This thesis examines the late mediaeval Church in the Hebrides from 1266 until 1472. The late mediaeval Church was culturally significant: it imposed rules and regulations on lay society throughout western Christendom. Hitherto, studies of the Hebridean Church have focused on its organisation and its bishops. My research goes beyond these studies to examine the effectiveness of the Church in bringing Christian religion and piety to mediaeval Hebridean society. This is accomplished through a prosopographical study of the clergy in the Hebrides and analysis of the church and chapel sites. The mediaeval Church transcended countries and peoples and through the provision of parish clergy, it managed to establish and maintain a certain level of Christian faith and belief. The majority of the recorded clergy were Gaels who came from the dioceses of Sodor and Argyll and were therefore able to communicate with their parishioners. Some of the clergy can be identified as belonging to the territorial, professional and ecclesiastical kindreds and can be described as of high social status. Determining educational status is particularly tricky, given the absence of any evidence for any schools in the Hebrides. However, we can reasonably conclude that the high status clergy undoubtedly were educated, although not all to university level. The scarcity of accusations of non-residence implies that non-residence was not widespread. An examination of rectors and perpetual vicars at the parish churches reveals that there was usually one or the other at the parish churches. A more common accusation regarded pluralism, although we have to acknowledge that sometimes the accusations might be exaggerated. Whilst allegations of offences such as simony are rare, failure to comply with canon law on clerical celibacy is clear from all supplications seeking dispensation for illegitimacy as the son of a priest. The churches, chapels and grave-yards were a focal point for these priests and for secular society. As important as the provision of clergy are the adequate numbers of, and maintenance of, church buildings. The church building had enormous significance for both mediaeval theologians and the laity. The parish church, in particular, was very important as the central focus for baptism and burial and therefore access is very important. The key issues are, therefore, access to the parish church, the visibility of the churches and their relationship with secular settlements. Access is determined by location and the location of the forty-three parish churches in the Hebrides can, on the whole, be described as accessible. None of them are inaccessible locations, indeed most can be accessed both from land and from the sea. They are relatively visible, but not outstandingly so. However, their visibility would have been enhanced with use of plaster on the exterior of the buildings. Secular settlements were dispersed and consequently there were always some settlements nearby the parish church and others more distant. A major issue which has arisen is the identification of categories of chapels. Using models established by Orme, there are four main categories of chapel – dependent, cult, locational and oratory chapels. Effectively, the numerous small chapels meant that, in general, it can be said that people were never very far from some kind of church building. Identifying the type of chapel allows us to understand how the parishes functioned. The final two chapters consist of case-studies of the islands of Tiree, Coll and Skye. There are a total of 12 parishes on these islands and within these parishes 68 church and chapel sites. The relationships between parish church and chapel have been analysed in each and we have been able to identify some dependent chapels. It is also clear that we have a number of early mediaeval chapel sites which may have been abandoned by the late Middle Ages. However, other early mediaeval sites may have continued in use, perhaps as cult chapels for particular saints. The cults of saints such as St Columba, St Comgan and St Maelrubha were especially strong in Skye whilst St Columba, St Finnan and St Findoca were popular on Tiree and Coll. Above all else, this study demonstrates the vitality of the late mediaeval Church in the Hebrides; its parish churches were not overwhelmingly appropriated and there were sufficient numbers of apparently educated clergy available to serve the churches. The range of ecclesiastical sites also shows the breadth of provision.

The present thesis endeavors to identify the context out of which the conceptual category of heresy initially emerged within early Christianity. As such, it will not focus on any single heresy or heresiological issue, but rather on the emergence of the notion of heresy itself. The context proposed from which the Christian idea of heresy first emerged is not the institutionalization of orthodoxy within the second-century church, but rather, the dynamics of internal social conflict, which is visible in situations of internal deviance within first century Christianity and in at least one strand of the sectarianism of Second Temple Judaism. In Part I, which is a single chapter (two), I appeal to the social sciences to help articulate a social understanding of the concept of heresy, not in an effort to replace the ecclesiastical understanding, which holds heresy to be a belief or teaching that stands in opposition to or deviates from an orthodox norm/doctrine and which dominates scholarly perception on the topic, but as a complement to it. The aim of the chapter is to identify a set of characteristics that mark heresy as a unique social phenomenon. In Part II, I turn to Galatians (chapter three) and parts of Revelation 2-3 (chapter four), as test cases for the viability of locating the phenomenological characteristics noted in chapter two within these two first-century contexts of internal social conflict. After surveying the settings of conflict and the given author's responses to them, I conclude that though heresy (in the ecclesiastical sense) is not demarcated in these contexts, they are a likely context out of which the early Christian conceptual category of heresy initially emerged. Part Ill reflects an effort to see whether there may be earlier settings of internal social conflict that are analogous to these first-century contexts. Based on the argument that the exclusiveness inherent to these first-century situations of internal conflict, as well as the notion of heresy, requires a monotheistic religious framework, I turn solely to Second Temple Judaism. Relying upon a phenomenological characterization of religious sects, I (in chapter five) highlight the emerging sectarian markings evident in groups around the beginning of the second Jewish commonwealth. Chapter six, then, reflects an attempt to gauge the extremes of sectarian commitments and expression in late Second Temple Judaism by noting the sectarian features of groups behind the Habakkuk Pesher and the Psalms of Solomon. Ultimately, I conclude that these two settings of sectarian conflict bear a phenomenological resemblance to the first-century Christian situations of internal social conflict previously surveyed. Part IV, which is a single chapter (seven), reflects an effort to track when and how the early Christian notion of heresy emerged from these settings of internal social conflict, primarily through a study of the New Testament evidence of [Greek characters];. As the term moves from possessing a neutral to a pejorative to a defamatory meaning, I appeal to linguistic theory, namely semantics and sociolinguistics, in an effort to (1) characterize the type of shift in meaning that occurred in [Greek characters]; and (2) begin to locate any forces or factors that may have been influential in this linguistic transformation. Ultimately, I combine this analysis of [Greek characters]; with the previous work on the dynamic of internal social conflict in the first century and the late Second Temple period to construct a diachronic presentation of how the concept of heresy initially came into early Christian thought and writing. Chapter eight brings the thesis to a close by briefly revisiting the main conclusions of the study and identifying the primary contributions that it makes to various areas of Christian Origins research.

one of the most enduring assessments of the reformation has been the view that Protestantism and its worship shunned sensory experience in religion. As a result Protestant religion has been seen as fundamentally 'asensual', void of the images, relics, incense, vestments and fabric of late medieval religiosity. This appraisal has been most commonly applied to Protestant liturgy and worship. This was in contrast to pre-reformation worship which contained numerous objects and gestures making it highly sensualized. in late medieval liturgy this sensuality was the locus of spiritual action, allowing the distribution of sacred power or grace to believers in varying degrees through objects and actions. This evaluation is simplistic. In considering contemporary notions of sensation, sensory physiology and liturgical reform, a much more complex picture of the reformation in Tudor England emerges. Both Protestants and their conservative opponents shared the same basic understanding of how the senses worked physiologically. The senses were transformative powers that integrated perceivers with the world around them, literally bringing experience into the very being of the beholder. As such, they required proper governance to avoid evil objects, which caused sin and sickness, and to focus their attention on good and true objects. None were more potent than the rites of the late medieval church. Here divinity was internalized and integrated into believers through the senses. The senses, though, had their limits, and it was agreed that they were not suitable to determining beliefs or aspects of faith. As is well known, however, the reformation saw key disjunctures and clashes over the very nature of the doctrines and modes of salvation which defined these parameters. Inevitably, this resulted in a shift in how sensation functioned within religious contexts, namely liturgical life. on both sides of the religious divide the fear was that the senses would take control on their own, driving believers towards sin and concupiscence in an unfettered experience of the material world. Protestants saw this manifested in traditional piety, which was false and constructed, making the sensuality of late medieval religion highly detrimental. Conservatives, however, saw the empirical use of scripture by Protestants and the touting of scriptural authority as an improper use of the senses to determine faith. Each regarded the other as sensual. Protestants, despite their castigation of traditional piety, continued in many respects to employ its modes of interaction when encountering scripture. it took much of the sixteenth century to come to the realization that such a position was incongruous with reformed justification. The result for English notions of sensation was immense, as it became glaringly evident that Protestant doctrine and traditional sensory physiology could not exist side by side. The end of the Tudor era therefore coincided with the advent of a new era of sensing, in which the greatest revolution was that religious sensing was potentially benign to the perceiver; not saving, but not damning either.

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This work studies religious change through the archaeology of death and burial. In the period after the fall of Rome and before the Vikings, Scotland became a Christian society, but there are few historical documents to help understand how this happened. The process of conversion to Christianity in Scotland has long been a contentious issue, but until recent years, there was simply not enough reliable archaeological evidence to test the accepted narrative of conversion by missionaries from Ireland and Gaul. A number of key excavations over the last two decades have created the opportunity to reassess the evidence and test existing models. The earliest inhumation cemeteries in Scotland emerge in the period c. AD 400-650, and a large number of radiocarbon dates from these sites now provide a sturdy chronological framework for studying the effects of the conversion to Christianity. This is the first full-length study of the early medieval burial evidence from Scotland, and the first comprehensive revision of the archaeological evidence for early Christianity since the work of Charles Thomas in 1971. A review of the latest historical research suggests that Christianity arrived in Scotland from at least the 5th century AD, which coincides with the emergence of inhumation cemeteries. In order to contextualise this material, a database of all burial evidence from Scotland in the first millennium AD was constructed to trace changes in ritual practice over the long term. A multiscalar analysis of this data – from individual graves, to ‘family plots’, to entire cemeteries – revealed new insights into funerary rituals and significant corrections of previous studies. Covering all of Scotland but keeping this in its wider northwestern European context, the theoretical framework adopted here follows the latest research on Anglo-Saxon England and early medieval Ireland, and analyses the material for what it can tell us about people’s memories, hopes and fears rather than the usual political and economic narratives. The Scottish burial evidence takes on a wide variety of forms, from long cists and log coffins to square barrows and cairns, generally placed away from settlement. New radiocarbon dates show conclusively that these burial rites predate Christianity in Scotland, and this study includes a crucial new review of pre-Christian funerary practices. Sequences of radiocarbon-dated burials from early Christian sites of the 5-7th centuries provide new evidence for what can and cannot be construed as a ‘Christian’ burial. Throughout the radical changes taking place in this period, including the origins of the Picts, Scots and Anglo-Saxons, funerary rituals helped create new social relationships, and mediated the tensions these could create, during times of upheaval. Rather than reflecting the arrival of Christianity, this complex network of social practices reveals the way Christianity was accommodated within Iron Age societies, and the way it was continually reinvented throughout the early medieval period into the Viking Age. In adapting the new religion to existing lifeways, Christianity itself was ‘converted’, and this is the key to understanding changes in the archaeological record in Scotland and beyond. The Scottish evidence should now be seen as a crucial dataset for the study of the wider transformations of the post-Roman world. Recommendations for further research were proposed, including the need to expand research beyond the modern Scottish border. To promote continuing research, the burial database will be made available online.

This thesis is an examination of the most important Scottish saints’ cults and pilgrimage centres in the period c.1349-1560. Specifically, this project locates the role of this group within the wider devotional practices of the late medieval kingdom. Through analysis of liturgical calendars, ecclesiastical dedications, contemporary literature and naming and pilgrimage patterns, it identifies and explains the distinctive features of the veneration of national saints in late medieval Scotland in the two centuries from the first appearance of the Black Death in 1349 to the Reformation in 1560. The key theme of this thesis is the consideration of the manner in which external factors, such as general Western European social and religious developments, and distinctly local phenomena such as the intermittent warfare with England and the varied agendas of interest groups like shrine custodians, the national church and the crown, impacted upon the saintly landscape of the late medieval kingdom and the popular piety of its people. The medieval cult of the saints is a subject of considerable value for historians because it was a movement in a constant state of flux. It adapted to the socio-religious context of the societies in which it operated. Although never neglected as an area of study, the cult of the saints in Scotland has received further attention in recent years through the influence of the Survey of Dedications to Saints in Medieval Scotland project carried out at the University of Edinburgh from 2004-7. However, studies on the role and function of national and local saints, those believed by contemporaries to have had a Scottish provenance or a hagiographical connection to the medieval kingdom, have tended to focus on two specific periods. These were the so called ‘age of the saints’, the period between the fourth and eighth centuries in which the majority of these men and women were thought to have been active, or the twelfth and thirteenth centuries from when the main Latin hagiographical sources originate. The role and function of this group in the later middle ages has been either neglected or subject to the pervasive influence of a 1968 article by David McRoberts which argued that church- and crown- sponsored patriotism was the main factor in shaping popular piety in this period. This thesis will question this premise and provide the first indepth study of the cults of St Andrew, Columba of Iona/Dunkeld, Kentigern of Glasgow and Ninian of Whithorn in a late medieval Scottish context, as well as the lesser known northern saint, Duthac of Tain.