Florida H.B. 7087 (2006a), otherwise known as A++legislation, was created and adopted as a means to increase the rigor and relevance of a public school education, specifically at the middle school and high school levels. The anticipated result of the implementation of this bill was to better prepare middle school students for high school and thereby increase high school student performance and decrease the dropout rate. However, in increasing the promotion standards for middle grade students, interpretation and implementation have created additional barriers to grade level advancement. As a result, the possibility now exists for more students and especially those already at-risk of failure will be subject to higher retention rates. This may place them further at-risk of poor academic performance and of potentially dropping out of school, an opposite effect of the intent of the bill. This study was designed to evaluate the impact of the revised policies on middle school students. / by Mary A. Murray. / Vita. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

In order to illustrate, I begin this report with an account of some of my experiences as a bilingual teacher, instructing curriculum designed to elicit student reflections their language ideologies and engaging praxis. The data includes student responses to a writing prompt and interview which elicited their language ideologies. Some of the student comments were striking due to their recognition of the higher status of English. The student-collected data aided me in evaluating my curriculum and instruction and inform my future practice. My report ends with a proposal to investigate these issues more deeply by conducting a study on student language ideologies. / text

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

I denna studie riktas fokus mot hur samhället ordnar för barns välfärd när de generellt inriktade insatserna inte räcker till. Studien baseras på observationer och intervjuer i tre olika verksamheter för unga i åldern 12-16 år: 1) ett hem för vård eller boende, HVB, med egen skola, 2) en kommunal särskild undervisningsgrupp, f d skoldaghem, och 3) ett HVB för utredning och behandling utan egen skola. Kännetecknande för dessa verksamheter är att de fått i uppdrag att fostra unga och att arbetet utförs i gränsområdet mellan undervisning och behandling. Vad händer i verksamheter som samtidigt ska åtgärda både sociala och pedagogiska problem och där diskurser från olika institutionella och vetenskapliga fält korsas? Genom att studera hur samhället hanterar unga som avskilts från den reguljära skolan syftar studien till att synliggöra hur olika diskurser om ”problembarn”, undervisning och behandling, skapar möjligheter och begränsningar för verksamheternas mål, medel och aktörer. Studiens metodologi är en kombination av etnografi och diskursanalys. Studien tar sin utgångspunkt i interaktion, vardag och identitetsformande processer. I dessa kommunikativa praktiker som är intimt relaterade till identitetsskapande, arbetar lärare och behandlare. Analys av vardagssituationer i dessa pedagogiska och sociala praktiker samt intervjuer av de unga och de anställda ger en ökad förståelse för vad som händer där och vad arbetet betyder för dess aktörer. Miljöerna består till stor del av informella mötesplatser där en flexibilitet i tolkningsmöjligheterna skapar förhandlingsutrymme om både vad som sker där, men också vilka de unga är. Användningen av informella miljöer, lekfullhet, kroppskontakt och humor upprätthåller konsensus och bygger relationer. Relationen möjliggör att de anställda kan skapa tillit och förtroende hos de unga och används för att stödja de unga och påverka dem i önskvärd riktning. Relationen innebär att de unga, samtidigt som de får stöd och omsorg, också kan kontrolleras. Två olika strategier, omsorg och kontroll, kopplas samman i vad Foucault beskriver som en pastoral maktutövning. Relationen är grunden för intersubjektivitet, d v s en delad kunskap om situationen och dem själva. Diskurserna som används utgår från att de unga ska förändras. Diskurserna tydliggör att de ungas förändring främst ses som avhängiga dem själva, men att förändring är sannolik och möjlig genom de ungas involvering. De unga själva ses i hög grad som ansvariga för att leva upp till de krav som samhället ställer på individer i den åldern. De anställda förväntas klara av fysisk gränssättning, använda tvångsåtgärder och hantera andra repressiva inslag. De ungas aktörskap synliggörs genom deras motstånd inför det som strider mot deras motiv och det som står på spel för dem, d v s deras normalitet. Intervjuer med de unga har sammanfattat de möjliga identitetsalternativ de unga uppfattar finns tillgängliga för dem och handlar om skapandet av vilka de varit och vilka de kan bli. Identiteterna beror på vilka tolkningsrepertoarer som används i de olika verksamheterna. Repertoarerna gör det möjligt att skapa olika identitetskonstruktioner där en del kan ses som mer normala än andra. En del av identitetsalternativen innebär att se sig själv som kriminell eller med brister av olika slag. Kamratkretsen på hemmaplan och som elev i skolan är den plats och det sammanhang där de unga känner sig mest som alla andra. / This study examines how society handles children who for different reasons can’t manage, or be managed, in compulsory schools. Observations and interviews were made in three different settings: 1) a foster home with its own school, 2) a small school for troubled youth, and 3) a home for assessment and treatment, without its own school. Common for these arenas are that the children have been separated and set apart from regular school, and they take place on the boundary, or in the intersection between, teaching and treatment. The aims are to reveal how different discourses about troubled youth, education and treatment create possibilities and limitations in relation to the goal of the practices targets, their means, and the actors. The study is based on research into interaction, daily life, and processes of identity transformation. The data is collected by ethnographic methods in the form of participant observations, and the analysis is informed by discourse analysis. In these communicative practices, educators and social workers were active in an area of research that is intimately related to identity. Analysis of everyday situations in pedagogical and social practices provides valuable knowledge for understanding what is going on in this practices and what the implications are for the actors. Examinations of the studied children’s environments and activities reveal the different emphases of efforts addressing the children’s needs which are informed by (connected to) the use of different discourses. The use of informal settings, playfulness, humour, and body contact help maintain consensus and build relationships. The relationships provide a basis for exerting influence. To offer support is also a means by which the young people can be controlled. Two strategies care and control are found to be linked in what Foucault describes as an exercise of pastoral power. These relationships are also the basis for intersubjectivity, that is, shared knowledge of the situation, including self-knowledge of the actors involved. The emphasis on informal environments and flexibility in interpreting the situation allows negotiation about who the children are and what they are expected to become. The balance in child welfare activities between coercion and free choice can be described as a balancing act in which employees have great responsibility for the children. The study discusses how different discourses affect young people’s identity. Considering the various working methods based on different discourses together with the specific child welfare activities suggests that there are several different ways to define the problem situation affecting the children; the children are in this way exposed to a number of troubled identities. The results also indicate that the children can refuse to make these identities their own. The children are actors who become visible through their resistance to what threatens their motives and through what is at stake for them, that is, their normality. Interviews with children have identified possible alternative identities that depend on repertoires of identities, in which some constructions are seen as more normal than others. The children prefer seeing themselves with friends at school and as pupils in school.

Starting from the standpoint of antiracist feminists in Southern Ontario, Canada, I examine the everyday social organization of antiracist feminist activism. Using key concepts from institutional ethnography and other critical research methods, I explore how women of colour activists engage, contest and modify existing social relations within women’s organizations to craft antiracist feminist organizational change. I describe how women of colour negotiate their antiracist, feminist and social justice commitments in ways which both respond to, and are constitutive of, contradictory social relations within women’s organizations. An analysis of in-depth interviews with women of colour activists reveals dialectic processes of accountability in their everyday antiracist feminist practice. Activists are accountable, on the one hand, to hierarchical relations within the daily practices of women’s organizations, and, on the other hand, to other feminist, antiracist and social justice activists. I describe how relations of accountability, named respectively, organizational accountability and activist responsibility, socially organize women of colour’s everyday experience of antiracist feminist activism. In particular, I argue that organizational accountability must be understood as relations of hierarchical answerability within the organization that extend outside the organization, while activist responsibility needs to be seen as the relations by which activists become accountable to other activists in the enactment of an explicitly antiracist feminist praxis. I describe further how women of colour creatively and consciously do antiracist feminist activism by mobilizing and negotiating both sets of relations of accountability to develop antiracist feminist social and organizational change. I highlight the importance of everyday activist work by revealing the ways women of colour seize the potential for crafting antiracist feminist change through relations of accountability. Significantly, this study offers a conceptualization of everyday antiracist feminist activist practice as a negotiation of relations of accountability.

Starting from the standpoint of antiracist feminists in Southern Ontario, Canada, I examine the everyday social organization of antiracist feminist activism. Using key concepts from institutional ethnography and other critical research methods, I explore how women of colour activists engage, contest and modify existing social relations within women’s organizations to craft antiracist feminist organizational change. I describe how women of colour negotiate their antiracist, feminist and social justice commitments in ways which both respond to, and are constitutive of, contradictory social relations within women’s organizations. An analysis of in-depth interviews with women of colour activists reveals dialectic processes of accountability in their everyday antiracist feminist practice. Activists are accountable, on the one hand, to hierarchical relations within the daily practices of women’s organizations, and, on the other hand, to other feminist, antiracist and social justice activists. I describe how relations of accountability, named respectively, organizational accountability and activist responsibility, socially organize women of colour’s everyday experience of antiracist feminist activism. In particular, I argue that organizational accountability must be understood as relations of hierarchical answerability within the organization that extend outside the organization, while activist responsibility needs to be seen as the relations by which activists become accountable to other activists in the enactment of an explicitly antiracist feminist praxis. I describe further how women of colour creatively and consciously do antiracist feminist activism by mobilizing and negotiating both sets of relations of accountability to develop antiracist feminist social and organizational change. I highlight the importance of everyday activist work by revealing the ways women of colour seize the potential for crafting antiracist feminist change through relations of accountability. Significantly, this study offers a conceptualization of everyday antiracist feminist activist practice as a negotiation of relations of accountability.

The Inter-American Democratic Charter (IDC) was adopted in 2001 by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) as a renewed instrument for the defense of democracy, not only against traditional coup d´etat but also to face serious violations to horizontal accountability. The second assumption took into consideration, as a precedent, the political situation in Peru during Alberto Fujimori's administration (1995-2000), defined as a competitive authoritarian regime by Political Science and Constitutional Law scholars. However, during the last decade to the presentwe find in Latin America several countries with governments where the principle of checks and balances has been eroded as a result of measures adopted by their respective executive branch. This situation suggests the following concerns: The liberal democratic model of the IDC is in crisis? This model has been overcame by illiberal governments that privileges economic and social rights and restraints civil and political rights? Or both models a recondemned to coexist in the region? / La Carta Democrática Interamericana (CDI) fue adoptada en el año 2001 por los Estados miembros de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA)  como  un  instrumento  renovado  para  la  defensa  de la democracia, no sólo contra el golpe de Estado tradicional, sino también para hacer frente a las graves violaciones de la responsabilidad horizontal. El segundo supuesto consideró, como precedente, la situación política en el Perú durante el gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1995-2000), el cual fue definido por los académicos de Ciencias Políticas y Derecho Constitucional como un régimen autoritario competitivo. Sin embargo, durante la última década hasta la actualidad hemos hallado en América Latina varios países con gobiernos en donde el principio de equilibrio de poderes ha erosionado como resultado de las medidas adoptadas por sus respectivas ramas ejecutivas. Esta situación sugiere las siguientes preocupaciones: ¿El modelo democrático liberal de la CDI se encuentra en crisis? ¿Este modelo ha sido vencido por los gobiernos liberales lo cuales privilegian a los derechos económicos y sociales y restringen los derechos civiles y políticos? ¿O ambos modelos están condenados a coexistir en la región?

Submitted by LAURINALDO FÉLIX NASCIMENTO (lfelixnascimento@hotmail.com) on 2015-10-05T11:24:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - MAP FGV LAURINALDO FÉLIX.pdf: 1310139 bytes, checksum: 1323e9a4096502473a3386784a4e48f9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-10-21T14:07:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - MAP FGV LAURINALDO FÉLIX.pdf: 1310139 bytes, checksum: 1323e9a4096502473a3386784a4e48f9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-10-26T16:14:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - MAP FGV LAURINALDO FÉLIX.pdf: 1310139 bytes, checksum: 1323e9a4096502473a3386784a4e48f9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-26T16:23:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - MAP FGV LAURINALDO FÉLIX.pdf: 1310139 bytes, checksum: 1323e9a4096502473a3386784a4e48f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-24 / The government exerts its power of supervision through the external and internal controls - the federal, state and municipal levels - acting as a representative of the citizens in the management of public goods. The correct use of public funds has been a concern of the public administration, not only in function of the existence of corruption in public agents and politicians sphere, but also by poor management, lack of effectiveness, efficiency, and economicity when resources run by through public policies. The objective of this research was to analyze the issue of governance in public administration, efficiency in the broad sense, using the social control as a means of opposing corruption. This study sought to analyze the social control in the investigative actions made by the Brazilian federal government, carried out by the Comptroller General of Federation (CGU), through the External Demands. These tools are used for the internal control, developed by CGU, as well as used for controlling and supervising representatives of entities and citizens. Thus, reports are generated and requested for managers to manifest on improprieties and irregularities in the implementation of public policies. External demands processed by the Comptroller General are connected directly to the time prior and concomitant control, and also are related to the issue of social and popular control. It may be initiated not only from complaints brought by government agencies and press, but from the very citizen who directly exercises its power of review. By the way, the use of this instrument increased significantly in recent years, especially through the Internet. The relevance of this study is important in verifying the initiative of these demands, once they were always made by organs of the state bureaucratic structure, and promote the citizen participation, increasing the social control and vertical accountability / A administração pública exerce o seu poder de fiscalização por intermédio dos controles externo e interno, nos níveis federal, estadual e municipal, atuando como representante do papel no lugar do cidadão na gestão dos bens públicos. A correta utilização dos recursos públicos tem sido motivo de preocupação da administração pública, não só quanto à existência de corrupção de agentes públicos e políticos, mas também pela má gestão, pela falta de eficácia, eficiência, efetividade e economicidade quando da execução de recursos por meio das políticas públicas. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar a questão da governança na administração pública, sua eficiência no sentido amplo, na vertente do controle interno e controle social como forma de combate à corrupção. Este estudo buscou analisar o controle social nas ações investigativas do governo federal brasileiro, realizadas pela Controladoria Geral da União (CGU), por intermédio das Demandas Externas que são instrumentos de controle interno desenvolvidos pela CGU, são ferramentas de auditoria utilizadas no controle que proporcionam a fiscalização imediata por representantes de entidades e cidadãos, gerando relatórios e pedidos de informações para que o gestor se manifeste sobre impropriedades e irregularidades na execução de políticas públicas. As demandas externas processadas pela Controladoria Geral da União e estão ligadas diretamente ao momento de fiscalização prévia e concomitante, também se relacionam com a questão do controle social enfatizando a participação popular, podendo ser iniciadas não somente a partir de denúncias formuladas pelos órgãos do poder público e imprensa, mas a partir do próprio cidadão que diretamente exerce seu poder de fiscalização, havendo o uso desse instrumento aumentado significativamente nos últimos anos, principalmente por meio da internet. A relevância do estudo é importante na verificação da inciativa dessas demandas, outrora sempre feita por parte de órgãos da estrutura burocrática do Estado, começa a fomentar o cidadão à participação, isso aumenta o controle social e o accountability vertical.

Submitted by Edmilson Aparecido da Silva (easilva1969@gmail.com) on 2017-10-23T02:47:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Edmilson Versão 21.10.pdf: 3403815 bytes, checksum: 5d178c1002f043bded0a7d474b3b881b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Tereza Fernandes Conselmo (maria.conselmo@fgv.br) on 2017-10-24T16:42:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Edmilson Versão 21.10.pdf: 3403815 bytes, checksum: 5d178c1002f043bded0a7d474b3b881b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-24T19:41:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Edmilson Versão 21.10.pdf: 3403815 bytes, checksum: 5d178c1002f043bded0a7d474b3b881b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-31 / The relationship between the municipal Executive Power and the municipal Legislative Power become a lot discuss subject in the Brazil scenario, because the way this relationship occurs has an impact on the lives of citizens, especially in the municipal sphere, after all, the political oscillations are verified more quickly when the occurrence is near. Thus, the goal of this work was investigate the relation between the Executive Power and the Legislative Power in the cities of Londrina and Maringá, situated in North of Parana. The methodology adopted was of the descriptive and exploratory type since was realized a documental search about this two Powers of the cities Londrina e Maringá. It was adopted the qualitative approach. The theoretical basis of this work, was made how a review of the literature which searched topics such as: types of presidentialism, forms of accountability and the types of relationships between the Legislative and Executive Powers. The data were collected in the Legislature Houses of the cities of Londrina and Maringá, TSE website, TRE website, news site, newspaper, blogs and other sources. The data collected on the votes in the Legislative Power of the cities studied were treated by the author to obtain the results on the behavior of these Legislative Houses on the votes made during the 2013-2016 legislature. The analysis of these results and the set of other information, allowed to support some conclusions and the main one is that the Executive Powers of the studied cities interfere directly in the agenda of their Legislative Powers, a fact evidenced by the high number of proposals sent by the Executive Power to the Legislative. In both cities the Municipal Ultrapresidentialism was identified, because the Legislative Power votes proposals submitted by the Executive Power, which are approved being the approval percentage reached in Maringá is even higher than that of Londrina. It is also concluded that in the votings Vetos the Legislative Powers behave in defending their autonomy, not allowing it to be threatened by decisions and actions of the Executive Powers, the highlight is also for the Legislative Power of Maringá, which approved a very small number of Vetos appreciated by their. The Legislative Powers of the two cities studied did not fully exercise the role of parliamentary control attributed to them, a fact that was confirmed because no were found records of discussions and tight votes on topics linked, for example, to budgetary oversight. Another interesting fact is the opening of only one Investigation Commission in each of these municipalities, and in addition, the results have been of low impact for the population. Also detected were threats to the autonomy of the Legislative Power, as well as actions to defend this autonomy by that same power. / O relacionamento entre o Poder Legislativo e o Poder Executivo municipal se torna um tema muito discutido no cenário brasileiro, porque a forma como esse relacionamento ocorre tem impacto na vida dos cidadãos, principalmente na esfera municipal, afinal, as oscilações políticas são verificadas mais rapidamente quando sua ocorrência é próxima. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho foi investigar a relação entre o Poder Legislativo e o Poder Executivo nas cidades de Londrina e Maringá, cidades situadas no Norte do Paraná. A Metodologia adotada foram a descritiva e exploratória, uma vez que foi realizada uma pesquisa documental sobre esses dois poderes das cidades de Londrina e Maringá. Optou-se pela abordagem qualitativa. A fundamentação teórica foi mediante uma revisão da literatura onde buscou-se temas como: tipos de presidencialismo, formas de accountability e os tipos de relacionamentos entre os Poderes Legislativos e Executivos. Os dados foram coletados nas Câmaras Municipais de Londrina e Maringá, site do TSE, site do TRE, sites de notícias, jornais, blogs e outras fontes. Os dados coletados sobre as votações nos Poderes Legislativos das cidades estudadas foram tratados pelo autor, para obtenção dos resultados sobre os comportamentos dessas câmaras nas votações realizadas durante a legislatura 2013-2016. A análise desses resultados e o conjunto de outras informações permitiram sustentar algumas conclusões e a principal delas é que os Poderes Executivos das cidades estudadas interferem diretamente na agenda dos seus Poderes Legislativos, fato comprovado pelo alto número de proposições enviadas pelo Poder Executivo. Nas duas cidades foram identificados o Ultrapresidencialismo Municipal, porque o Poder Legislativo vota proposições enviadas pelo Poder Executivo, que são aprovadas sendo o percentual de aprovação alcançado em Maringá ainda maior do que o de Londrina. Conclui-se também, que nas votações dos Vetos os Poderes Legislativos se comportam defendendo sua autonomia, não permitindo que ela seja ameaçada por decisões e ações dos Poderes Executivos, o destaque também é para o Poder Legislativo de Maringá que aprovou um número bem pequeno de Vetos apreciados. Os Poderes Legislativos das duas cidades pesquisadas não exerceram de forma plena o papel de controle parlamentar atribuído a eles, fato que se confirma quando não foram encontrados registros de discussões e votações acirradas sobre temas ligados, por exemplo, à fiscalização orçamentária. Outro fato interessante é a abertura de apenas uma Comissão de Investigação em cada um desses municípios, e além disso, os resultados terem sido de baixos impactos para a população. Também foram detectadas ameaças a autonomia dos Poderes Legislativos, assim como ações de defesa a essa autonomia por parte desse mesmo poder.

Submitted by Paulo Junior (paulo.jr@fgv.br) on 2010-12-14T20:44:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Sergio Louzada.pdf: 337853 bytes, checksum: 0f6dd9d7d5f9c7230ec9c2c4e8b388f3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paulo Junior(paulo.jr@fgv.br) on 2010-12-14T20:45:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Sergio Louzada.pdf: 337853 bytes, checksum: 0f6dd9d7d5f9c7230ec9c2c4e8b388f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-01-06T12:15:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sergio Louzada.pdf: 337853 bytes, checksum: 0f6dd9d7d5f9c7230ec9c2c4e8b388f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-19 / This present work investigates the vertical accountability of the Brazilian Federal State Owned Enterprises –SOE through the analyses of their websites. For this, the work analyzed the definition of accountability in order to create a model of analyses with three dimensions; 'Transparency', 'Financial Transparency', and 'Interaction and Participation'. and a corresponding set of variables both rated by a panel of specialists. The results show that only 56% of the SOEs have accountability information in their websites, and 34% didn’t have any kind variables for the analyses of accountability. These observation lead to the conclusion that there is still space for vertical accountability of the SOEs through their website. / O estudo investiga a accountability vertical das empresas estatais federais brasileiras realizadas através dos portais web. Para tanto, foram levantadas, na literatura, informações relevantes para a melhor compreensão do alcance do termo accountability, de forma a permitir o desenvolvimento de modelo de análise a ser utilizado no trabalho. O modelo proposto compreende 3 dimensões: 'Transparência', 'Interação e Participação' e 'Prestação de Contas e Resultado' a cada dimensão corresponde um conjunto de variáveis, ponderadas junto a um painel de especialistas. Realizou-se então a análise da accountability vertical das empresas estatais através dos respectivos portais web. Constatou-se que apenas 56% das empresas estatais investigadas possuem informações relativas à accountability e que 34% dos portais web não tinham variáveis relativas às dimensões propostas no modelo. Tais constatações levam à conclusão de que há espaço para aumentar a accountability vertical das empresas estatais federais por meio dos portais web.