Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre les facteurs derrière l'échec éminent de la mission de l'OTAN en Afghanistan. Si la nature de la présence occidentale a dû passer d'une force d'assistance de sécurité à une véritable guerre contre-insurrectionnelle, l'adaptation difficile de la Coalition a eu des conséquences majeures. En employant un cadre d'analyse constructiviste critique, il a été possible d'identifier un triple paradoxe à cet égard, soit la complexification du commandement des forces alliées, la complexification du rapport à l'ami et à l'ennemi et la complexification dans le processus de légitimation de la mission. En deuxième partie, une lecture critique du premier manuel de contre-insurrection canadien, paru en 2008, révèle que son apport ne se trouve pas tant au niveau des principes, qui demeurent essentiellement les mêmes que ceux de la doctrine classique, mais bien au niveau des concepts. La doctrine canadienne présente des corrélations avec les principales innovations développées par les approches postpositivistes en théories des relations internationales au cours des vingt dernières années: elle place la relation entre le pouvoir politique, le discours et la légitimité au cœur du processus de sécurisation et de la contre-insurrection. Or, l'application de concepts postpositivistes à une ligne opérationnelle objectif-moyen-fin est épistémologiquement incompatible et entraine, dans la pratique concrète, son lot d'incohérences. Dans une mission de contre-insurrection, il revient aux opérations psychologiques de déterminer les formes pertinentes et les moyens de diffusion appropriés des éléments de propagande. La troisième partie étudie la formulation et la diffusion des messages émis par les Forces canadiennes en Afghanistan en étudiant des produits de propagande diffusés par les opérations psychologiques canadiennes. Leur méthode cherche explicitement à s'ingérer dans la narration sécuritaire des populations sélectionnées, en utilisant le processus de sécuritisation tel que théorisé par le constructivisme. Toutefois, trois limites opérationnelles viennent s'ajouter aux difficultés de la mission afghane: le manque de formation militaire au sujet des opérations non cinétiques, la subjectivité des agents et la quasi-absence de méthodes d'évaluation des opérations. Un constat semble faire consensus parmi les sources consultées: la solution au conflit afghan n'est pas militaire. Ce mémoire innove en appliquant l'opérationnalisation du constructivisme critique comme cadre d'analyse d'un cas empirique concret en études de sécurité. Il permet aussi de mettre à jour certains débats menés au sein des Forces canadiennes et la publication d'éléments de doctrine et de propagande très peu diffusés dans le domaine public. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : constructivisme critique, contre-insurrection, opérations psychologiques, Afghanistan, propagande

The inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy is typically rationalized as corresponding to the fundamental Canadian value of respect for human rights; however, Canada’s limited appeals to human rights, couched in the rhetoric of values, altruism, and morality, have not produced a substantive policy that adequately considers or sufficiently protects human rights. Although human rights are generally considered subordinate to security, economic, and other national interests, this thesis will argue that these are mutually inclusive concepts that serve to support each other. By examining Canadian engagement in Afghanistan through the theoretical perspective of the English School solidarists, this thesis contends that Canada national interest can be realized through a commitment to a human rights foreign policy, thereby providing concrete justification for the inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy. The objective of such an approach is to improve Canada’s ability to protect and promote international human rights, leaving little doubt in the minds of Canadian foreign policy-makers that there is undeniable value in a human rights foreign policy and that such a policy will produce national interest ends.

I kjølvannet av 11 september 2001 startet Operasjon Enduring Freedom. En operasjon somfortsatt pågår, og som også er kjent under navnet the Afghan war. Den utløsende faktoren varterrorangrepet mot USA, et angrep som i høyeste grad må sies å ha vært asymmetrisk utført.Den amerikanske militære kultur synes i dag å være en fellesoperativ kultur, og besnærende nokkom den fellesoperative doktrinen ut i revidert form den 10 september 2001. Revideringen haddeikke vært revolusjonerende men derimot ytterligere styrket den fellesoperative tankegang. NårEnduring Freedom starter er det naturlig å se den i lys av den nyreviderte doktrinen.Hensikten med denne oppgaven er å undersøke den konseptuelle forankringen som lå til grunnnår Operasjon Enduring Freedom innledes. Deretter se på selve gjennomføringen, ogavslutningsvis diskutere hvorvidt teori og praksis henger sammen. I den hensikt å kunne svare påoppgaven vil oppgaven nytte tre spørsmål: Hva beskriver den konseptuelle forankringen?Hva kjennetegner den praktiske utførelsen av Operasjon Enduring Freedom? Avslutningsvis:I hvilken utstrekning henger teori og praksis i sammen og hvilke konklusjoner kan trekkes?Resultatet viser at det er samsvar mellom det konseptuelle og det praktiske, men av varierendegrad. Undersøkelsen konkluderer også med at det er flere interessante konklusjoner å trekke.Vedlegg A: Forkortningsliste. / After the attack of September 11, 2001 Operation Enduring Freedom was launched. Thisoperation is still ongoing and is also known as the Afghan war. The operation was triggeredby the terrorist attack against the USA, an attack that has been referred to as asymmetrical.The American military culture seems today to be a joint culture and interestingly enough theJoint Doctrine was republished September 10, 2001. The doctrine was not fundamentallychanged but the new version highlighted the joint culture even more. There is thus amplereason to compare Operation Enduring Freedom with the Joint Doctrine.The aim of this essay is to investigate the conceptual framework that was available whenOperation Enduring Freedom started. Thereafter the practical aspects of the operation arescrutinised. At the conclusion the essay discusses whether theory and practical realization areclosely related.Three questions are posed to help answer this:What describes the conceptual framework?What are the characteristics of the practical realization of Operation Enduring Freedom?To what extent are theory and practical realization matched together and what conclusionscould be drawn?The outcome of my essay shows that theory and practical realization have similarities, but ofdifferent degrees. The essay also concludes that there are several interesting conclusions to bedrawn. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 04-06

The inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy is typically rationalized as corresponding to the fundamental Canadian value of respect for human rights; however, Canada’s limited appeals to human rights, couched in the rhetoric of values, altruism, and morality, have not produced a substantive policy that adequately considers or sufficiently protects human rights. Although human rights are generally considered subordinate to security, economic, and other national interests, this thesis will argue that these are mutually inclusive concepts that serve to support each other. By examining Canadian engagement in Afghanistan through the theoretical perspective of the English School solidarists, this thesis contends that Canada national interest can be realized through a commitment to a human rights foreign policy, thereby providing concrete justification for the inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy. The objective of such an approach is to improve Canada’s ability to protect and promote international human rights, leaving little doubt in the minds of Canadian foreign policy-makers that there is undeniable value in a human rights foreign policy and that such a policy will produce national interest ends.

While it has explained how power and knowledge directly imply one another, constructivist theories of international relations have shown how knowledge and language are extensively used for legitimizing war, conflict and intervention. It has further been shown how not only news media, but increasingly popular culture is powerful in creating meaning and establishing knowledge about war and conflict. At the same time, media scholars have shown that the development in television production is going towards a blur between information and entertainment, fact and fiction. This blur has been shown to often and effectively de-politicize ideological content. This study is a critical discourse analysis of the TV series Krig för fred (War for peace), broadcast on the Swedish public service television during the spring of 2011. The study has through answering questions in terms of genre and ideology, found that the material is an example of a blur between documentary and reality TV and that the material is exclusively from a Swedish point-of-view, yet presented through a discourse of claiming the real. One of the consequences of the mixed genre seemed to have been that as more space was given to individual characters and exoticising images of the Afghan landscape and people, less space was given to criticism, which made this representation of the war entertaining rather than informative to watch. While the only information given about Afghanistan in the TV series is that it is among the poorest countries in the world, more clues have been given as to how the Swedish military view themselves and have been represented in relation to ‘others’ in the world.

Studiens utgångspunkt var den makt som medier besitter i framställningen av nyheter, det vill säga den symboliska makt som förmedlas genom språket, bildar opinion, samt påverkar hur dess läsare uppfattar och formar sina bilder av verkligheten samt attityder gentemot den. Det övergripande syftet var att kritiskt granska medierapporteringen av svenska insatser i Afghanistan genom att söka svara på följande frågor; Hur behovet av svenska insatser i Afghanistan framställdes?, vilka diskurser som dominerade framställningarna, definitionerna och beskrivningarna av Sverige/Svenskar och Afghanistan/Afghaner, samt vilka konsekvenser definitionerna får för människors attityder, förhållningssätt och sociala relationer. Uppsatsens teoretiska ram utgjordes av ett postkolonialt perspektiv samt medieteorier, och den metodologiska ansatsen av kritisk diskursanalys, vilken bidrog med verktyg som hjälpt oss att se bakom nyhetstexternas ord och dess innebörd. Diskurserna som framträdde i analysen var; militär/säkerhetspolitisk, antiislamistisk/rasistisk, nationalistisk och globaliseringsdiskurser. Den militära/säkerhetspolitiska diskursen var dominerande och använde sig av övriga diskurser för att legitimera militär närvaro och förstärka Afghanistans behov av fortsatta interventioner, där hot och säkerhet utgjorde de främsta argumenten. Slutsatsen blev således att den militära/säkerhetspolitiska diskursen reglerade behoven, samt med hjälp av övriga diskurser definierade Svenskar/Sverige och Afghaner/Afghanistan, där skillnader drogs mellan ”vi svenskar” och ”dom andra afghanerna” vilka tillskrevs olika mycket värde. Analysmaterialet reproducerade därmed ojämlika bilder av makt- och levnadsförhållanden vilket diskuterats i förhållande till socialt arbete, där ett kritiskt förhållningssätt till mediers rapportering ansågs som fundamentalt för ett framtida solidariskt socialt arbete.

Syfte: Undersöka om opinionsbildande språkanvändning som förekommer i tidningarnas ledare även tar plats i nyhetsartiklarna. Material: Åtta utvalda publikationer från www.flamman.se och www.dn.se Metod: Kritisk diskursanalys Slutsatser: Språkanvändning och åsikter som förekommer i ledare för att skapa opinion, återfinns i de nyhetsartiklar som har analyserats.

Huvudsyftet med denna uppsats är att finna de huvudsakliga orsakerna bakom uppkomsten och framväxten av den moderna islamiska fundamentalismen i länderna Iran och Afghanistan. Jag kommer att arbeta utifrån tesen att denna extrema form av religiositet främst är ett politiskt och socialt fenomen snarare än ett religiöst.

This thesis analyzes the evolution of the policies, strategies and actions of NATO within the context of the fight against transnational terrorism. The thesis focuses on the post 9/11 period. After the 9/11 events, the security perceptions of NATO changed dramatically and the threat of transnational terrorism emerged as a prominent challenge to the security of all members of NATO so the fight against terrorism became a key priority for NATO. Consequently, the NATO experienced a significant transformation since 2001 in order to have an effective and active role in the fight against transnational terrorism. In this thesis, Afghanistan operation of NATO is evaluated in terms of NATO&rsquo / s readiness to deal with soft security threats such as transnational terrorism effectively. The thesis argues that despite the significant achievements of NATO in the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan, NATO has not yet become quite effective in dealing with transnational terrorism since the Alliance is still primarily designed to deal with conventional hard security threats. This thesis has five main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. In the second chapter NATO&rsquo / s security concerns and its stance with regard to terrorism in the Cold War and post-Cold War era is discussed. The third chapter continues with the examination of NATO&rsquo / s transformation after the 9/11 attacks in terms of fight against transnational terrorism. The fourth chapter explores the Afghanistan operation of NATO. The fifth chapter is the conclusion.

The thesis aims to chart the relations of the EU and NATO through the case of Afghanistan. It examines the role of ISAF in conjunction with PRTs and EUPOL to evaluate the relations between the EU and NATO. The involvement of the ISAF and EUPOL missions from their establishment to evolution and the limitations of both missions in accordance with the management of the US in the &ldquo / War on Terror&rdquo / are examined. The implications of American policies on the missions of both parties are explored, from the first term of Bush to the Obama administration. The thesis argues that while there has been cooperation between the EU and NATO without structural cooperation, thus being ad hoc cooperation, the US has been benefiting from this cooperation from the second term of the Bush administration to the Obama administration, thereby rehabilitating the tense relations between the EU and the US. In the final analysis, it may be said that this cooperation did not result in a success story in the case of Afghanistan.