The concern with the relevance of human rights to the socio-economic and political development in South Africa is of threefold account, namely human rights, socio-economic and political development, and South Africa. Human rights have been consistently applied as a common standard of achievement in the realisation that development cannot be implemented in pure economic terms only, but implies the 'duties of all people towards all other people. For rights only come into their own through practice, the interaction of socio-economic and political facts with values. The importance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of I 0 December 1948 is of primary account in this regard. This implies the right to development of all people as well as the classical meaning of equity. The main social function of human rights is to become essential ingredients in legal, political and social reality in each and every country. The socio-economic implementation of human rights in the entire world includes the facts and peculiarities of South Africa in the context of ethnic pluralism. This covers the unrealistic overtones of apartheid, the unabated pressure of the United Nations and the achievement of the new South Africa. There is a great difference between merely criticising and getting things done. An important issue is the sustainability of the RDP, with its emphasis on Mandela's linkage XI between human rights, the rule of law and economic prosperity. COSATU with its unrealistic trade unionism however, remains the chief stumbling block to the unfettered free market economies and investments which are required for genuine job creation. Short of this the RDP and GEAR, which have got off the ground, are in danger of collapse. It is recommended that the ANC should work towards a genuine multi-party democracy at a realistic level where honest criticism is respected. The universal implications of human rights require that people should not be protected overduly simply because they are black at the expense of others who simply happen to be white. Some people are not more equal than others merely by virtue of being white or black. / Political Science / D. Litt et Phil. (Politics)

My Government’s commitment to create a people-centred society of liberty binds us to the pursuit of the goals of freedom from want, freedom from hunger, freedom from deprivation, freedom from ignorance, freedom from suppression and freedom from fear. These freedoms are fundamental to the guarantee of human dignity. They will therefore constitute part of the centrepiece of what this Government will seek to achieve, the focal point on which our attention will be continuously focused. The things we have said constitute the true meaning, the justification and the purpose of the Reconstruction and Development Programme, without which it would lose all legitimacy.

Thesis (MTech (Business Administration))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2014. / The majority of craft retail outlets in Cape Town are owned by immigrants mostly from the SADC and elsewhere on the continent. However, a notable proportion of African immigrant-owned survivalist and micro businesses that do not grow and develop into small and medium size enterprises (SMEs). Despite many studies conducted on craft businesses generally, little information exists on factors affecting the growth of African immigrant-owned craft businesses. The main objective of this study is to determine these factors. This study focused on four craft markets in the Cape Town area: Greenmarket Square, Stellenbosch, Franschhoek and Hout Bay.The population of the study comprised all African immigrants at the selected craft markets and the municipal managers responsible for managing these selected markets. The sample frame of this study constitutes African immigrant entrepreneur-owned businesses that are three or more years old, registered and located in one of the selected markets. The study utilised a mixed method approach to collect and analyse data. Questionnaires (Quantitative) were administered to 122 African immigrant entrepreneurs and in-depth interviews (Qualitative) were conducted with the three municipal managers responsible for the four selected craft markets. Quantitative data was analysed separately using Statistical Packages for Social Sciences (SPSS) software, and face-to-face interviews were analysed by means of content analysis. The results of both methods were presented in tabulated format. Pushed by the need to survive and pulled by the many tourists in South Africa, African immigrant entrepreneurs turned to the craft business. In terms of the challenges faced, it was noted that limited access to finance and difficulty in acquiring a business location were start-up challenges, whereas the growth challenges were the seasonal and irregular nature of trade and xenophobia. Emanating from the findings of this study, recommendations were made to municipality managers to persuade the financial agencies to extend their funding assistance to deserving African immigrant entrepreneurs. Local government should grant immigrants trading permits and relax some of the restrictions to allow them to have a stall and do business. The municipalities should organise workshops to educate African immigrant entrepreneurs on the benefits of selling unique products and anti-xenophobic sentiment.

M.Com. (Business Management) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.

From Forward: The development of gold mines in the Orange Free State is likely to be to modern East London what Kaffir Wars were to old East London. "The Fighting Port", as it is commonly called, is the nearest harbour to these mines and is linked by good rail, road and air facilities. A wide variety of industry is already established. Development is likely to be rapid. At present the City contains over 80,000 persons, and with the addition of peri-urban suburbs has doubled its population in just over fifteen years. In the past is has claimed to be the healthiest holiday resort in the Union. This year a City-wide campaign has been organised to fight tuberculosis, as the City's statistics indicate that it has one of the highest rates of anywhere in the world. Within twelve years two government sided commissions of enquiry have sat in the City and reported on the administration and living conditions of the city's African populaton. Extremely strong adjectives have been used to describe, and drastic recommendations made to improve the socio-economic and general conditions of the African people. Under the holiday atmosphere of the City lies a very serious, complex, and potentially dangerous human problem.

In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.

The first instance of the poor white problem being dramatically brought to the attention of white South Africa was in 1893 when Rev. Andrew Murray issued an open letter on the subject which resulted in the convening of the first of many Dutch Reformed Church conferences on the problem (Introduction, p. 1).

This study aims to characterize and understand the search for health in a rural Transkeian community. It begins with the observation that the people of Jotelo have to negotiate considerable hardships in their daily lives. These hardships include the impact of malnutrition, undernourishment and a wide range of diseases like tuberculosis, typhoid and gastro-enteritis. To survive ill-health, people develop numerous practical strategies. Most significantly, they attempt to maximise availalble resources, like cash, their relations with others and local medical facilities. Hence the study attempts to characterize how and why patients select various kinds of therapy in their search for health. By focusing on patients' recourses to treatment, the study reveals that the search for health is as much a personal experience as it is a social and economic one. This idea is developed in an analysis of the links betw'een work, illness and social reproduction. The point which emerges from this discussion captures the central theme of the study: the search for health is a profoundly personal, social and economic experience. This notion is strengthened by an examination of the historical and contemporary nature of local health and health care. It is observed that health and health care is intimately linked to the local and wider political economy. This not only serves to contextualise the discussion on patients' actual experiences, but points to the fact that these experiences are part of wider processes. By depicting the search for health in this way, the study hopes to have illustrated what people do in times of illness and why. Yet it also claims to have gone beyond such a depiction. By abstracting from its findings, it aims to conclude that the search for health is not merely caused by various local and wider processes, to which it has referred. In other words, it hopes to avoid a deterministic view of patients' experiences in times of distress. Instead, it is argued that the search for health is ultimately an integral part of the local and wider economic and political environment

Mgaga, an informal settlement in KwaZulu, south of Durban, on Cele-Zulu polity land, had an indigenous, albeit urban, system of Zulu land tenure in 1980. Mgaga's transformation, from an area with scattered homesteads in 1959 to an informal settlement, was linked to local and external factors. The external factors were, regional industrialisation, urbanisation and apartheid policies which involved, the division of South Africa into ethnically based 'homelands'; controlled Black access to 'White' cities; an urban management system for 'homeland' townships, like Umlazi township which abutted Mgaga. Umlazi's development and urban management system involved, the resettlement of members of the polity; the removal of their office bearers from their posts; and the phased building of the township; which caused cumulative effects in Mgaga. I link these external factors to the behaviour of Mgaga's residents, who transformed the area's land tenure system, by using Comaroff's dialectical model (1982), where the internal dialectic interacts with external factors to shape behaviour at the local level. I analyze the Zulu ethnography to show that the internal dialectic in Zulu social organisation, and in Mgaga, is centred around fission and integration; and that the integrating hierarchy associated with Zulu social organisation and the Zulu land tenure system is composed of groups with opposed interests in the same land. Within this hierarchy entrepreneurship and coalition formation influence the transfer of land rights. Also, rather than rules determining the transfer of land in the land tenure system, processes associated with the interaction of external factors with the internal dialectic, within terms of the cultural repertoire associated with the system, shape local behaviour; and the system's rules are manipulated within this cultural repertoire by individuals striving for gain. This results in different manifestations of the internal dialectic in the Zulu land tenure system, i.e. a range of variations in the Zulu land tenure system, including different local level kinship groups; a variety of terminology and rights held by office bearers; and communal and individualised land rights. The external factor of urbanisation interacted with the internal dialectic in Mgaga, manifested in terms of an ongoing izigodi (wards) dispute -including its boundaries, to shape residents' behaviour, so that some introduced an informal settlement and others resisted its geographical spread. This informal settlement development, where eventually purely residential land rights were transferred for cash to strangers by strangers, with no role for polity officials, was an urban variation of the Zulu land tenure system, because of the continued existence of the internal dialectic in Zulu social organisation in the local system, with the integration side being expressed by the community overrights. Characteristics found in Mgaga, such as kinship diminution; the individualisation and sale of land rights; and the ongoing influence of polities; are found elsewhere in Africa where informal settlements have developed on indigenous land tenure systems. Therefore the transformation of Mgaga's land tenure system to urban forms is not an isolated phenomenon, and my dialectical ransactional approach may have an applicability beyond the context of the Zulu land tenure system.