Unconstitutional changes, especially coups d’états, have undoubtedly eroded peace and security in many parts of the African continent. These occurrences have also stunted the development of democracy in some African states. The African Union (AU), supported by sub-regional bodies, addresses this problem by imposing sanctions on the regimes that acquire power through coups with the aim of restoring political order. However, this sanctions policy has produced mixed results. In some cases, these sanctions managed to succeed in achieving their objectives (Guinea) while in other instances sanctions failed to achieve their objectives (Madagascar). It is therefore imperative to inquire into the circumstances and assess the conditions under which the AU sanctions policies failed and succeeded in restoring political order to states that experience coups d’états. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

This study is entitled ‘investigating the challenges in enforcing international human rights law in Africa: Towards an effective regional system’. It centres around a critical research problem namely: what challenges beset regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa and how can they be addressed to ensure the effective promotion and protection of human rights in the continent? It critically reviews and revisits the discourses and scholarly arguments on the crucial issue of regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa. It traverses through historical epochs in order to explain the origins, scope and evolution of human rights law in Africa. This is done in the quest for answers to questions such as: When and how did Africa’s regional human rights system originate? What factors led to its emergence? Was the concept of human rights recognised in Africa prior to European colonial rule? What is the present status of international human rights in Africa? It therefore lays the foundations for a better understanding of the historical and philosophical origins and evolution of Africa’s regional human rights system. The study then proceeds to review the normative and institutional mechanisms established in Africa to enforce human rights at the regional level. Particularly, it highlights the roles of the African Commission and Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the light of their contribution to, and challenges in, the enforcement of human rights in the region. The study concludes with recommendations on the possible ways to invigorate the African human rights system. One of the key findings is that, with appropriate reforms, the system can be more effective. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.D. (Public, Constitutional and International Law)

Unconstitutional changes, especially coups d’états, have undoubtedly eroded peace and security in many parts of the African continent. These occurrences have also stunted the development of democracy in some African states. The African Union (AU), supported by sub-regional bodies, addresses this problem by imposing sanctions on the regimes that acquire power through coups with the aim of restoring political order. However, this sanctions policy has produced mixed results. In some cases, these sanctions managed to succeed in achieving their objectives (Guinea) while in other instances sanctions failed to achieve their objectives (Madagascar). It is therefore imperative to inquire into the circumstances and assess the conditions under which the AU sanctions policies failed and succeeded in restoring political order to states that experience coups d’états. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

African Union (AU) multilateral efforts in governance flounder at the level of implementation and their substantive intervention worth do not accord with the aspirations embodied in adopted normative frameworks and instruments. The research served to uncover the policy and delivery challenges within the overall AU institutional system as a means of providing a perspective on the future of AU governance mechanisms and related intervention modalities. Detailed empirical engagement, through an institutional lens, with norm formation and implementation in accountability, the rule of law and state capacity, and related delivery practices, enabled the extraction of crucial efficacy challenges in the AU institutional system. The exploration, using evidence embodied in documents from the AU governance implementation system, served to confirm that the AU continues to struggle between the imperatives of integration through established shared values and the exercise of state sovereignty. Within the policy-delivery nexus, the research points to the importance of agency by AU institutions and how practices and incentives serve to pervert the aspiration for a multilateral value-adding system in governance. In addition to providing a comprehensive historical macro-overview of AU governance intervention and related implementation modalities, the research served to uncover the implementation ‘black-box’ through a careful and comprehensive study of practices in each of the governance intervention terrains. The institutional focus serves to affirm that answerability for performance in the use of public resource and the structuring of organisations, matter for delivery and the production of substantive regional integration value. The core efficacy challenges at the level of AU multilateral engagements and implementation, such as norm proliferation, the exercise of power and sovereignty, staffing and capacity gaps, point to the need for a substantive and strategic reorientation of the AU governance normative framework and related intervention modalities. As an outcome of the analysis and reflection, a ‘norm graduating model’ is proposed to accommodate contextual realities in AU Member States on the back of historically hard-fought-for shared values in governance. At the level of implementation modalities, efficacy challenges point to the importance of a more tempered and realistic delivery approach. The primary focus in the immediate term should be on building governance through a diffused peer-engagement strategy culminating in norm compliance and full adherence to the provisions of established AU governance instruments over the long-term. / Public Administration and Management / Ph. D. (Public Administration)

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability in light of the developing peace and security architecture of the relatively new continental body, the African Union (AU). The primary aim is to determine the nature and severity of those challenges that currently face the organization’s ambition of realizing this Pan-African dream. This study is a qualitative analysis that comprises both descriptive and exploratory aspects. The thesis begins by discussing the development of peacekeeping in conflict management. It establishes that peacekeeping emerged as an ad hoc response by the UN to address the growing issue of inter-state conflict during the Cold War, but has evolved into one of the primary tools used by the international community to manage complex crises. The advent of new security threats in the post-Cold War era, spurred on by the dynamic process of globalization, necessitated that peacekeeping adapt and is commonly perceived in contemporary discourse as a multidimensional practice. Central to this development was the shift in focus from international to human security and the recent development of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. The study then goes on to explore the process that has ultimately led to the establishment of the AU’s proposed peacekeeping capability, the African Standby Force (ASF). With a dramatic increase in incidences of violent conflict across the globe in the 1990s, the UN’s limited resources were pushed to the limit, thus paving the way for regional organizations to play a more important role in ensuring international peace and security. The establishment of the AU in 2002 was meant to put to bed the inability of its forerunner, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which had suffered from limited financial, logistical and structural competence, while its political and institutional authority was hampered by dissent and the qualified support of member states. However, as the African Union Mission in the Darfur region of Sudan (AMIS), highlights, the AU’s peacekeeping capacity is hamstrung by a lack of political will on the part of African leaders, weak institutional capacity, severe financial constraints as well as an overly militaristic approach that neglects the essential multidimensional nature of peacekeeping. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die vooruitsigte van ‘n effektiewe Afrika vrede-bewaringsmag, binne die konteks van die huidige Afrika Unie (AU) se raamwerk vir vrede en sekuriteit. Die primêre navorsingsdoel is om vas te stel wat die AU se belangrikste uitdagings is, om die die strewe na Pan-Afrikanisme te bewerkstellig in die area van vrede-instandhouding op die kontinent. Eerstens word ‘n oorsig gegee oor die ontwikkeling van vrede-instandhouding binne die konteks van konflikbestuur. Die afleiding word gemaak dat vrede-instandhouding ontstaan het as ‘n ad hoc proses binne die Verenigde Nasies ten einde inter-staat konflik tydens die Koue Oorlog, te besleg. Dit is later binne die internasionale gemeenskap aanvaar as die primêre strategie vir die oplossing en hantering van internasionale konflik. Na die einde van die Koue Oorlog, en tesame met die dinamiese proses van globalisering, het vredeinstandhouding egter verder ontwikkel en ’n multi-dimensionele proses geword. Hierdie ontwikkeling is hoofsaaklik gekenmerk deur ’n fokus wat wegbeweeg het van tradisionele soewereiniteits-sekuriteit na menslike sekuriteit. Dit het gepaardgegaan met die gelyktydige ontwikkeling van die Verantwoordelikheid om te Beskerm doktrine. Die studie ondersoek verder die prosesse wat bygedra het tot die AU se voorgestelde vredesmag – die Afrika Bystandsmag (ASF). As gevolg van ’n toename in internasionale konflik tydens die 1990s is die Verenigde Nasies se vermoeëns tot die uiterste beproef. Dit het die weg gebaan vir die opkoms van kontinentale en streeks-organisasies om ‘n meer prominente rol te speel in internasional vrede-instandhouding en sekuriteit. Die stigting van die AU in 2002, was veronderstel om die finansiële, logistieke en strukturele tekortkominge van sy voorganger, die Unie vir Afrika Eenheid (OAU) aan te spreek, aangesien laasgenoemde se politieke en institusionele hoedanigheid ondermyn is deur sy lidlande. Daar word bevind – met behulp van ’n gevalle-studie analise van die AU se Sending na Soedan (AMIS) dat die AU se kapasiteit nie na wense is nie, as gevolg van die gebrek aan samewerking tussen leiers, finansiële tekortkominge en ’n neiging om militaristiese benadering te volg, ten koste van die multi-dimensionele aspek van vredes-instandhouding.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since independence in the early 1950's, Africa's overall economic performance compared very unfavourably with those of other regions of the developing world mainly because it attained political independence as a fragmented continent. From this time, the vision of African leaders has been that of regional integration and the creation of the African common market. The vision of a common market which unites Africa's mostly small and fragmented economies would lead to economies of scale, thereby making African countries more competitive. That vision however, has been clouded by the devastation of war, both civil and territorial and corruption which drains the state. Therefore, the importance of regional economic integration is pertinent and more so, the role of Regional Economic Communities as integrative institutions. The African Union, the main institution for political, economic and social integration established the African Economic Community whose main role is to facilitate the regional economic integration process in Africa. Africa's RECs have been designated by the Abuja Treaty as the building blocks for integration and the eventual creation of an African Economic Community. The Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the coordination and harmonization of the policies of the Regional Economic Communities. One of the main challenges confronting Africa in its quest for full integration is the rationalisation of regional economic communities. The RECs with their treaties, protocols and agendas are logical institutions to jumpstart Africa's integration. The African Union recognises eight Regional Economic Communities, but the African continent has fourteen inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), all of which are working on regional integration issues. The RECs have had some successes but have not met their objectives of greater production. The RECs need to be revived and the first thing would be to rationalise their structure and their interactions with national governments. Rationalisation has benefits and costs and rationalisation efforts should focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Ultimately, rationalisation would allow Africa to attain the full benefits of integration, particularly growth for trade within and outside Africa. Regional Economic Communities are viewed as pillars of continental integration by the African Union. The strategy of economic emancipation must denote economic development for all African people including grass roots level and there is no doubt that significant challenges exist and must be addressed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanlikheid in die vroeë 1950's het die oorgrote ekonomiese groei van Afrika goed vergelyk met die ander onwikkelende streke in die wêreld grotendeels as gevolg van die gefragmenteerde onafhanklikheidswording in Afika as geheel. Vir die eerste keer was die visie van Afrika leiers dit eens dat Afrika streke as een moet integreer asook die daarstelling van een gemeenskaplike mark. Hierdie visie is egter vertroebel deur die verwoesting van oorloë, beide siviel en territoriaal, asook korrupsie, wat 'n staat dreineer. Daarom is die belangrikheid van streeks ekonomiese integrasie steeds belangrik, en nog meer so, die rol van Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (REC's) as integrerende instelling. Die Afrika Unie, die hoof instelling vir politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale integrasie het die Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, wie se hoof taak dit is om die streeks ekonomiese integrasie te fasiliteer, gestig. Afrika se Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe is aangewys deur die Abuja Verdrag, om as die bouers van integrasie op te tree, met die uiteindelike daarstelling van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap. Die Abuja Verdrag en die Konstutiewe Wet van die Afrika Unie maak voorsiening vir die koordinasie in ooreenstemming met die beleidsrigting van die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe. Een van die hoof uitdagings wat Afrika in die gesig staar, met die soektog na volle integrasie, is die rasionalisasie van streeks ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe met hulle verdrae, protokol en agendas is die logiese instelling om die integrasie van Afrika 'n hupstoot te gee. Die Afrika Unie erken agt Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe maar die Afrika kontinent het veertien inter-regerings organisasies (IGO's) wat almal werk aan streeks integrasie kwessies. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe het 'n sekere mate van sukses behaal, maar het nog nie hulle geteikende groter produksie bereik nie. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe moet opnuut herleef word en die eerste stap sou wees om te rasionaliseer oor hulle struktuur en die interaksie met nasionale regerings. Rasionalisering het voordele en kostes en pogings behoort te fokus op doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit. Die uiteinde van rasionalisering sal Afrika die volle voordele van integrasie, veral t.o.v handelsgroei binne en buite Afrika, ervaar. Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe word beskou, deur die Afrika Unie, as die pilare van kontinentale intergrasie. Die strategie van ekonomiese emansipasie moet 'n aanduiding wees vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling vir al die mense van Afrika, ook op grondvlak, en daar is geen twyfel dat beduidende uitdagings bestaan en dat dit moet aangespreek word.

Student Number: 0108593A - MA research report - School of Social and Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / South Africa’s diplomatic involvement in the continent and particularly in Cote d’Ivoire is the main focus of this paper. Therefore, the rationale of this dissertation is to investigate the reasons of the African Union (AU) to choose South Africa as a peace broker rather than the Cote d’Ivoire crisis as such. South Africa’s diplomatic engagement in Cote d’Ivoire in 2004 was as a result of numerous attempts by AU, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and France to find a peaceful solution to what was once the most economic and political stable country in West Africa. The crust of this paper is to ascertain reasons why the AU designated South Africa the responsibility to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire. Furthermore, What difference can South Africa really make in Cote d’Ivoire search for peace, given the failure of other third parties as well as South Africa’s ability to export its model of power-sharing in the continent. Against this backdrop, it is also vital to examine reasons why South Africa accepted to broker a peace deal in Cote d’Ivoire in November 2004 rather that two years ago when the conflict was on its early stages. In fact, this is not the first time South Africa was requested to help solve conflicts in West Africa. Interestingly, at first, South Africa refused to offer mediation in West Africa in 2003 citing reasons that it was overburdened in other peacekeeping missions in Africa. Thus, this paper will attempt to find reasons why this time around South Africa accepted the job to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire in the backyard of Nigeria.

Africa’s way forward requires integration, democracy, good governance, participation and inclusive communication of all issues. Intergovernmental organizations are essential to facilitate the above mentioned goals. New thinking highlights the role of new media especially the Internet in democracy and governance in Africa. Therefore, the question solicited here is whether e-governance facilitates continental governance in Africa and under what circumstances would this be possible? This research introduced the internet (web) as a distinct medium of communications with distinct features and characteristics. A number of scholars argue that the Internet as a distinct medium of communication can better facilitate the democratizing role of the media in society, while others argues that the internet has not changed the nature of politics since ordinary politics in all its complexity and vitality has invaded and captured cyberspace. These arguments are divided respectively between Technological Determinism and the Social Shaping of Technology. This research investigates (AU, EU and Nepad) e-governance websites in order to understand practices, prospects and challenges of continental e-governance systems. It was found that the AU and Nepad use the websites for institutional information rather than interaction with citizens and online service delivery. However, significant steps are taken to enhance interaction in Nepad. It is therefore recommended that, the AU and Nepad need to invest time and commitment in enhancing interactivity and rising awareness for these e-governance systems. As projected, EU performs much better than the above two in terms of interactivity. This is because it has more experience and internet penetration and uses is widespread in Europe than it is here in Africa.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joilson de Araujo Martins Andrade Silva.pdf: 2589322 bytes, checksum: 52db437aa66518eba10c6c0fd2bba018 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Objectives This study aims to perform preliminary analyses of this international organization of African states. Reflecting the tensions and stereotypes directed to Africa and their descendants by the media, amid polarized positions ("afro-pessimistic" and "African-optimistic"), as well as presenting topics, debates and proposals before the interdisciplinary field of Contemporary African Studies. Reasons We selected and proposed observations about topics from the African e-Journal, titled Pan African News Agency, Panapress, in its "AU Dossier", a large collection of daily news available to us through the internet. We also used incorporations and partial selections from other sources, such as reports from the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, from the decisions of the Executive Council of the AU Commission (2002-2009) and some images from "Dossier Pictures" or "Panapress Pictures" (2001-2009) - in electronic formats - and the" Pan-African Dossier" (1900-1978) from I CIAD (OIF / UA) - in printed. Hypothesis Since the political glances about Africa changes, we extend our attention to relevant cultural perspectives of pan-Africanism. Its immersion and dialogues with demonstrations by the "non-alignment", the consequences of stagnation and subordination of African states, as well as aspects that outlined the historical moment treated as African renaissance, its factors as NEPAD, the AU, its actors Moammar Gadhafi, Thabo M'Beki, Amara Essy, Alpha Konaré, among others. Theoretical and methodological aspects We opted for an analytical position that goes beyond "borders" between politics and culture. A vision that transposes disciplinary visions advancing in the search and construction of transdisciplinary knowledge, in the fields of History and International Relations. We spoke about the "South Atlantic" and the approaches to the "Epistemologies of the South", it was possible to observe Diasporic authors and African actors, who often get little recognition in Western analyses. The sources contemplate connections between history and culture, opens dialogue about analytical dimensions of micro and macro-history, since they revealed dynamics and diversities in electronic media produced in the continent, possibilities of analyzes beyond the "afropessimistic" visions. Results These perspectives led to a greater perception of inclusiveness, awareness and understanding of international relations. They revealed the understanding that these relations between states, coexist with interpersonal and social relations, in addition to providing for new proposals to cultural, political and anti-racist struggles for reflection and awareness of diversity / Objetivo(s) O presente trabalho visa realizar análises preliminares desta organização internacional de estados africanos. Refletir as tensões e estereótipos direcionados a África e seus descendentes nos meios de comunicação, em meio a posições polarizadas (afropessimistas e afro-otimistas), bem como, apresentar temas, debates e proposições diante do campo interdisciplinar dos Estudos Africanos Contemporâneos. Justificativa(s) Escolhemos e propomos observações acerca de temas do periódico eletrônico africano, intitulado Agência Panafricana de Notícas, a Panapress, em seu Dossiê UA , um imenso acervo de notícias diárias que nos chega por meio da internet. A incorporação e seleção parciais de outras fontes, como relatórios da Conferência ou Assembleia dos Chefes de Estados e de Governo, das decisões do Conselho Executivo e ações da Comissão da UA (2002-2009) e algumas imagens dos Dossiês Imagens ou Fotos Panapress (2001-2009) - em formatos eletrônicos e pelo Dossiê pan-africano (1900-1978) da I CIAD (OIF/UA) em suportes impressos. Hipótese(s) Como permanecem e mudam os olhares políticos sobre África, alargamos nossos olhares para relevantes perspectivas culturais dos pan-africanismos, sua imersão e diálogos com mobilizações junto ao não-alinhamento , as consequências da estagnação e subalternização dos estados africanos, bem como, aspectos que delinearam o momento histórico tratado como renascimento africano, seus fatores como A NEPAD, a UA, seus atores Muamar Kadafi, Thabo M Beki, Amara Essy, Alpha Konaré, entre outros. Aspectos teórico-metodológicos Optamos por uma postura analítica que faz transitar fronteiras entre política e cultura, transpor visões disciplinares avançando na busca e construção de conhecimentos transdisciplinares, nos âmbitos da História e das Relações Internacionais. Dialogamos com abordagens do Atlântico Sul e aproximações com as Epistemologias do Sul , foi possível evidenciar autores e atores africanos e diaspóricos, que muitas vezes, são pouco reconhecidos em análises ocidentais. As fontes contemplam conexões entre história e cultura, faz dialogar dimensões analíticas de micro e macrohistória, pois evidenciaram dinâmicas e diversidades em mídias eletrônicas produzidas no continente, possibilidades de análises além das visões afropessimistas . Resultados Estas perspectivas permitiram uma percepção maior da abrangência, da conscientização e compreensão das relações internacionais permitindo desvelar o entendimento que estas relações entre estados, coexistem com as relações interpessoais e sociais, além de propiciar a construção de proposições para lutas culturais, políticas e antirracistas para a reflexão e conscientização acerca da diversidade

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