As is well-known, there are presently several archives of old Swahili manuscripts: in Dar es Salaam, Halle and Hamburg, London etc. These collections and separate manuscripts are being studied from various points of view by both European and African scholars. Beside the vast collection of old Swahili manuscripts kept in SOAS, there is another collection of Swahili works at the British Library in London, which has been considerably expanded recently by acquisitions from Jan Knappert. There, one of the most interesting manuscripts which I have ever seen is kept. I am talking about the manuscripts (OR 4534) received in 1884 by a well-known expert of the Swahili language and literature: W.E. Taylor, who was a missionary in East Africa. In 1891 they have been acquired by the British Museum. It is a roll that is 200 cm long and 16-17 cm wide. Seven sheets, glued together, of a thick paper of special quality (2-3 sheets put together) which even resembles a kind of skin, it is skillfully written on in stable ink.

1962. Tanganyika, East Africa. In a rural boarding school on the shore of Lake Victoria, dozens of adolescent girls began to laugh and cry uncontrollably. After trying to stem these mysterious breakouts for a month and a half, school officials gave up and sent everyone home. As the girls fanned out to their homes across the region, their behaviors spread too. Over 1000 people were affected. Families and governments enlisted all kinds of experts to give them a clue about what was going on. Eventually, an official diagnosis: mass hysteria. About two years after it began, the epidemic petered out. Nobody died. Everybody recovered. / History of Science

This dissertation examines the livelihood strategies of African dock workers in Durban, South Africa, between the Anglo-Boer War and the 1959 strikes. These labourers did not conform to common conceptions of radical dock workers or conservative African migrant workers. While Marxist scholars have been correct to stress the working class consciousness of Durban’s dock workers, this consciousness was also more ambiguous. These workers and their leaders displayed a peculiar mix of concern for workers’ issues and defences of the rights and interests of African traders. Many of Durban’s dock workers were not only wage labourers. In fact, only a minority had wages as their only source of income. The Reserve economy played a role in sustaining the consumption levels of their households and, more importantly, more than half of the former dock workers interviewed for this research engaged in some form of commercial enterprise, often based on the pilferage and sale of cargoes. Some also teamed up with township women who sold pilfered goods while the men were at work. This combination of commercial strategies and wage labour has often been overlooked in the literature. By looking at these livelihood strategies, this dissertation considers how rural and urban economies interacted in households’ strategies and reinterprets the reproduction of labour and the household in order to move beyond dichotomies of proletarian versus rural consciousness. The dock workers’ households were neither proletarian households that were forced to reside in the countryside because of apartheid, nor traditional rural homesteads with a missing migrant member. The households were reproduced in three geographically separate spheres of production and consumption, none of which could reproduce the household on its own. These spheres were dependent on each other, but also separate, as physical distance gave the different household members some autonomy. Such multi-nodal households not only bridged the rural and the urban, but equally straddled the formal/informal divide. For many, their employment on the docks made their commercial enterprises possible, which allowed them to retire early from urban wage labour. Consequently, the interests of wage labourers could not be divorced from those of African small-scale entrepreneurs. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-26 17:14:17.474

<p>In my dissertation, "The Kongolese Atlantic: Central African Slavery & Culture from Mayombe to Haiti," I investigate the cultural history of West Central African slavery at the height of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, the late eighteenth century. My research focuses on the Loango Coast, a region that has received little scholarly attention despite the fact that it was responsible for roughly half of slave exports from West Central Africa at the time. The goal of my dissertation is to understand how enslaved Kongolese men and women used cultural practices to mediate the experience of slavery on both sides of the Atlantic world. To do so, I follow captives from their point of origin in West Central Africa to the Loango Coast and finally to the French colony of Saint Domingue in order to examine these areas as part of a larger "Kongolese Atlantic" world. </p><p>My dissertation begins by exploring the social and political history of the slave trade in the Loango Coast kingdoms, charting the structural changes that took place as a result of Atlantic trade. Next, I use historical linguistics to investigate the origins of captives sold on the Loango Coast. I find that the majority of captives came broadly from the Kongo zone, specifically from the Mayombe rainforest and Loango Coast kingdoms north of the River Congo. I then use a sociolinguistic methodology to reconstruct the cultural history of those groups in the near-absence of written documents. In the last chapter of the dissertation, I follow enslaved Central Africans from the Loango Coast to Saint Domingue, examining how they used specific and identifiable north coast cultural practices in the context of slavery. I find enslaved Central Africans used north coast spiritual tools such as divination, possession, trance, and power objects to address the material problems of plantation life. Finally, I argue the persistence of these spiritual practices demonstrates a remarkable durability of Kongolese ontology on both sides of the Kongolese Atlantic world.</p><p>My research produces new information about the history of the Loango Coast as well as the colony of Saint Domingue. The north coast origin of captives which I establish using historical linguistics contradicts earlier arguments that slaves traded on the Loango Coast originated from Kingdom of Kongo or from the inland Malebo Pool or Upper River Congo trade. I show inhabitants of the coastal kingdoms and Mayombe rainforest were not mere middlemen in the interior slave trade as previously thought, but were the victims of new mechanisms of enslavement created as a result of the erosion of traditional political institutions due to the trans-Atlantic slave trade. The north coast origin of Loango Coast captives has repercussions for the cultural history of the Americas. It means that captives were not "Atlantic Creoles" with prior knowledge of European culture and religion. I argue historians can only understand the meaning of the cultural practices of Africans in the Americas by understanding where Africans came from and what cultural and linguistic tools they brought with them. The use and transmission of Kongolese ritual knowledge and spiritual technologies in Saint Domingue challenges historians of slavery to move beyond the false dichotomy that culture originated in either Africa or on the plantation and forces a fundamental reassessment of the concept of creolization.</p> / Dissertation

<p><p>The second French colonial empire (1830-1962) challenged soldiers, scholars, and administrators to understand societies radically different from their own so as to govern them better. Overlooking the contributions of many of these colonial officials, most historians have located the genesis of the French social theory used to understand these differences in the hallowed halls of Parisian universities and research institutes. This dissertation instead argues that colonial experience and study drove metropolitan theory. Through a contextualized examination of the published and unpublished writings and correspondence of key thinkers who bridged the notional metropolitan-colonial divide, this dissertation reveals intellectual networks that produced knowledge of societies in North and West Africa and contemplated the nature of colonial rule. From General Louis Faidherbe in the 1840s to politician Jacques Soustelle and sociologist Pierre Bourdieu in the 1950s, a succession of soldiers and administrators engaged in dialogue with their symbiotic colonial sources to translate indigenous ideas for a metropolitan audience and humanize French rule in Africa. Developing ideas in part from a reading of native African written and oral sources, these particular colonial thinkers conceived of social structure and race in civilizational terms, placing peoples along a temporally-anchored developmental continuum that promised advancement along a unique pathway if nurtured by a properly adapted program of Western intervention. This perspective differed significantly from the theories proposed by social scientists such as Emile Durkheim, who described "primitivity" as a stage in a unilinear process of social evolution. French African political and social structures incorporated elements of this intellectual direction by the mid-twentieth century, culminating in the attempt by Jacques Soustelle to govern Algeria with the assistance of ethnological institutions. At the same time, Pierre Bourdieu built on French ethnological ideas in an empirically grounded and personally contingent alternative to the dominant structuralist sociological and anthropological perspective in France. </p><p><p>Approached as an interdisciplinary study, this dissertation considers colonial knowledge from a number of different angles. First, it is a history of French African ethnology viewed through a biographical and microhistorical lens. Thus, it reintroduces the variance in the methods and interpretations employed by individual scholars and administrators that was a very real part of both scientific investigation and colonial rule. Race, civilization, and progress were not absolutes; definitions and sometimes applications of these terms varied according to local and personal socio-cultural context. This study also considers the evolution of French social theory from a novel perspective, that of the amateur fieldworker in the colonies. Far from passive recipients of metropolitan thought, these men (and sometimes women) actively shaped metropolitan ideas on basic social structure and interaction as they emerged. In the French science de l'homme, intellectual innovation came not always from academics in stuffy rooms, but instead from direct interaction and dialogue with the subjects of study themselves.</p> / Dissertation

The aim of this project is to examine the African textiles in the Victoria and Albert Museum and how they reflect the historical and cultural relationship between Britain and Africa. As recently as 2009 the V&A’s collecting policy stated ‘Objects are collected from all major artistic traditions … The Museum does not collect historic material from Oceania and Africa south of the Sahara’ (V&A 2012 Appendix 1). Despite this a significant number of Sub-Saharan African textiles have come into the V&A during the museum’s history. The V&A also has a large number of textiles from North Africa, both aspects of the collection are examined. The division between North and Sub-Saharan Africa and between ‘art’ and ‘ethnographic’ museum collections is crucial to understanding the African textiles in the V&A. The V&A began collecting North African textiles in 1852 and went on to build a strong collection, particularly embroideries from the urban areas. The museum also acquired some Sub-Saharan African textiles during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. During the 1920s the Textiles Department began to consider whether textiles from certain areas should be classed as ethnography. This was the most active period for collecting North African embroidery but the same process led to the exclusion and removal of Sub-Saharan African textiles. After World War II the Circulation Department actively collected West African textiles to tour to art colleges. The closure of the Department caused many of these textiles to be de-accessioned. The V&A has also collected textiles produced in Britain for sale in

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar e compreender a trajetória e o contexto de vida de Gustavus Vassa (que se auto denominava, também, Olaudah Equiano) (1750- 1797), um africano que atuou como marinheiro nas embarcações do Atlântico, tendo por base sua autobiografia escrita e editada em 1789. O objetivo principal é verificar a validade desse texto enquanto fonte histórica, analisar a vida desse sujeito como marinheiro durante o período e discutir sua memória em relação ao continente africano. Pretende-se a partir de tal texto reconstruir aspectos do cotidiano dos marinheiros que trabalhavam no Atlântico durante o século XVIII, e analisar a maneira pela qual o seu autor apresenta a memória de sua comunidade de origem, a comunidade Igbo, da atual República da Nigéria, na África ocidental. Esse trabalho foi baseado principalmente na autobiografia desse homem que se intitulava Olaudah Equiano, o africano, mas que possuía um nome de batismo ocidental, Gustavus Vassa. A obra desse marinheiro tem sido reeditada desde sua primeira edição em 1789 e hoje faz parte do cânone de textos conhecidos como literatura afro-americana. São diversos os estudos ligados a outras áreas de pesquisa, como Literatura, que utilizam desse relato para estudar o cotidiano dos escravos e ex-escravos no período em questão. Nossos principais objetivos nesse trabalho foram verificar a validade desse texto enquanto fonte histórica, analisar a vida desse sujeito como marinheiro durante o período e discutir sua memória em relação ao continente africano. Procuramos colocar à prova o texto de Gustavus Vassa enquanto fonte histórica acerca do cotidiano dos marinheiros e também em relação a seu passado em África. Pretendemos, a partir do texto desse africano, reconstruir um pouco do cotidiano dos marinheiros que trabalhavam no Atlântico durante o século XVIII. Além disso, podemos também observar que muitos desses marinheiros eram africanos ou afro-americanos que engajavam-se nessa lide com o objetivo de ascender socialmente, ou mesmo para sobreviver de uma forma mais digna do que os outros escravizados nas plantations do novo mundo. / The paper aims to study and understand the biography and life context of Gustavus Vassa (who also called himself Olaudah Equiano) (1750-1797), an African who worked as a sailor in the vessels of the Atlantic. Our study is based on his autobiography, written and edited in 1789. Our main objectives in this work were to verify the validity of the text as a historical source, analyze the life of this subject as a sailor during the period of his life and discuss his memory in relation to the African continent. By analyzing the text, we also seek to reconstruct aspects of the daily life of sailors that worked in the Atlantic during the 18th century and analyze the way the author presents the memory of his native community, the Igbo who currently reside in the Republic of Nigeria in West Africa. The work was based on the autobiography of this man, who called himself Olaudah Equiano, the African, but had a western forename, Gustavos Vassa. This sailor‟s work has been reedited since its first edition in 1789 and today is part of the canon of known texts of african-american literature. There are several studies connected to other research areas, such as Literature, that use this account to study the daily life of slaves and former slaves in the period in question. We tried to put to the test Gustavus Vassa‟s text as a historical source about the lives of sailors, as well as his past in Africa. Based on this African man‟s text, we sought to reconstruct a bit of the everyday life of sailors who worked in the Atlantic during the eighteenth century. In addition, we also observed that many of these sailors were African or African-Americans who commited to this activity in order to ascend socially or even seeking a better life than other slaves in the plantations of the New World.

Between 1966 and 1986 the Mengo neighborhood of Kampala, the capital of Uganda, was militarized. This dissertation examines how and why the urban dwellers of this neighborhood chose to stay in the city during this period of high insecurity. Successive governments turned several spaces and buildings in the city into army administration headquarters and barracks for soldiers. The army literally moved next door to city residents, leading to constant threats to people’s lives and their property. In order to examine Kampalans’ strategies for surviving in an insecure and dangerous urban environment, this dissertation relies on the oral histories of the men and women who lived through militarization. In so doing, I also examine how the African city of Kampala became resilient amid crisis. I argue that Kampalans relied on a set of practices and stances of defiance and subtle resistance, locally collectively known as Okujeema, to maintain their urban lives; they had inherited these strategies and modified them to suit their new challenges. From the beginning of military rule, many Kampala residents understood that the military meant to push them out of the city as a punishment for their political opposition and allegiance to the Buganda Kingdom. Okujeema is how Kampalans defined resilience and endurance. Residents displayed this trait when they resisted eviction orders, hid their property, and protected each other’s lives. They also insisted on earning a livelihood and enjoying leisure time in the midst of economic collapse. Kampala had long been a city of powerful women, a gender dynamic now challenged by the arriving soldiers. Not surprisingly, Okujeema therefore often took highly gendered forms as when traditional gender roles were inverted and women became protectors of men. All Kampalans, men and women, were urbanites, and they meant to retain that identity. The very notion of living in the city was an act of Okujeema during Kampala’s two decades of militarized crisis. / 2020-11-06T00:00:00Z

The argument of the thesis begins with the question of how Christianity became the main religion in South Sudan. It is crucial to search for the connecting point between Christian mission and the South Sudanese. Although South Sudan and Christianity had been directly opposed due to the image of Christianity as a part of the colonial power and Western imperialism, the two disparate groups came together through a particular historical moment that united them. The connecting point that linked South Sudan with Christianity was the dynamic movement of Christian missions in responding to the socio-political and historical needs of South Sudan. The junction between Christianity and South Sudan was strongly connected to missionary work in southern Sudan from the 1920s to the 1950s. This is the period in which the educational work of Christian mission reached its zenith. Moreover, southern Sudan, now South Sudan, had struggled with Arabic Northern Sudan, present-day Sudan in order for the federation policy to separate from Northern Sudan. Therefore, the thesis focuses on how the educational work of the missions influenced the formation of the nationalism of South Sudan. In particular, this research will be laid out in three sections: the historical background of the socio-political chasm between Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan; the educational work of the missions in Southern Sudan from the 1920s to 1950s; the nationalism of Southern Sudan in connection with the educational work of the missions.

Adverse criticism regarding the quantity and quality of children's books in South Africa appear in such respected sources as The Oxford Companion to Children's Literature and The Companion to South African English Literature, the authors of which are of the opinion that South African children are dependent solely upon Eurocentric literature for their reading material. In recent years however, local publishers have attempted to redress this imbalance by offering prizes for unpublished works. These prizes have acted as incentives for aspiring writers, many of whom have had novels published specifically for children in the post-developmental reading stage. This study critically examines some of these prizewinning works of fantasy and contemporary realism, in an effort to gauge their literary worth within the context of accepted criteria for judging children's literature. Accolades from adults are not however a guarantee that the prizewinning books will be received with equal acclaim by the children for whom they are written. For this reason, five children in the post-developmental reading stage were asked to pass their opinions and non-literary judgments on the books. Although the critical evaluation of the indigenous works proves them to be eminently worthy of the prizes which they received on publication, the children did not rate them as highly as certain imported works. The works of fantasy by Marguerite Poland rated poorly in terms of their popularity despite the fact that the children said that in a non-circumscribed context, they choose fantasy in preference to contemporary realism. Within the context of the indigenous literature which they read for this study though, they preferred the works of contemporary realism as they were able to identify with particular aspects of the novels. Indigenous literature for children in the post-developmental reading stage is a comparatively new phenomenon which needs to be nurtured if it is to attain any lasting status. The onus rests upon the teachers of literature and librarians to introduce the literature and make the books more accessible to young readers. Publishers need perhaps to engage the views and opinions of the audience for whom the books are written in an effort to publish books which, without in any way detracting from their literary worth, will deal with subjects favoured by young readers.