Nesta tese, procuro compreender a dinâmica e a inserção dos africanos ocidentais, conhecidos como pretos (ou negros) minas, no mercado de trabalho urbano do Rio de Janeiro. Para tal, a Praça do Mercado, também conhecida como Mercado da Candelária, constitui-se em locus privilegiado de análise. Situado à beira da Baía da Guanabara desde a década de 1830 (e ali permanecendo até 1908), esse grande centro de abastecimento de gêneros de primeira necessidade reunia trabalhadores de diversas procedências, incluindo muitos escravos e libertos da Costa da Mina. Fosse nas quitandas a seu redor ou nas bancas de aves, verduras, legumes, cereais ou peixes de seu interior, a pesquisa mostra que, por lá, eles permaneceram longos períodos. Em meio a muitos comerciantes portugueses e brasileiros, os minas formavam um grupo longevo e coeso. E, ao deixaram seus lugares, por falecimento ou desistência dos negócios, eram logo substituídos por parceiros e cônjuges da mesma procedência. Partindo de um conjunto amplo de fontes (que inclui a documentação municipal sobre o mercado, registros de alforria e casamento, inventários, testamentos e ainda processos de divórcio), mostro como os laços de nação, pacientemente atados no Rio de Janeiro, foram essenciais para alimentar tal dinâmica. Nesse sentido, examino como o parentesco étnico, constituído deste lado do Atlântico, foi fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades e a organização dos minas, tanto no Mercado da Candelária, quanto em outros mercados (especialmente o da liberdade e o matrimonial), e ainda nos espaços de moradia e devoção ocupados por eles. / This thesis seeks to understand the dynamics and presence of West Africans, also referred to as Mina blacks, on the urban work market of Rio de Janeiro. Hence, the Praça do Mercado (literally, Market Square), also known as the Mercado da Candelária (Candelária Market), constitutes the ideal site for this analysis. Located on the harbourside of Rio de Janeiro since the 1830s (and remaining active until 1908), this major centre for negotiating staple goods gathered workers of several origins, including many slaves and freed blacks from the Mina Coast of Africa. Whether in the stalls selling fowl, vegetables, fruit, cereals or fish, the research reveals that they remained there for a long period. In the midst of many Portuguese and Brazilian tradesmen, the Mina blacks represented a long-lasting and cohesive group. And when they vacated their appointed spaces in the market, whether through death or change of livelihood, they were immediately replaced by partners or spouses having the same origins. The research based on broad set of sources (including the city records for the market, manumission and marriage registers, wills, probate proceeding inventories and even divorce proceeding inventories), has revealed how nation bonds patiently wrought in Rio de Janeiro were vital to foment this dynamic. In this sense, it can be perceived that this ethnic kinship formed in the New World was fundamental for the development and organisation of the Mina, both in the Mercado da Candelária and in other markets (such as those of manumission and marriage), as well as in the aspects of housing and specific worship that they developed.

Orientador: Silvia Hunold Lara / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:06:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreira_AlinnieSilvestre_M.pdf: 2145290 bytes, checksum: 4e1ad5f885b3cbb6d2feab08d6f7fcdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / Resumo: Africano livre¿, ¿liberto africano¿, ¿negro de prêmio¿ ou ¿emancipado¿. Estas expressões designavam, no século XIX, o estatuto jurídico de todos os africanos escravizados ilegalmente após a proibição do tráfico atlântico de escravos que tivessem sido resgatados por autoridades em navios negreiros. Uma vez capturados por um governo como o Imperial brasileiro, eles deveriam ser postos ao trabalho na condição de ¿aprendizes¿. A obrigação do Estado Imperial, assumida em acordos com a Coroa inglesa, era manter estes africanos em tutela por 14 anos e então emancipá-los. A regra não foi cumprida, e os africanos livres na maioria vezes serviram a este Estado ou arrematante particular por toda a vida ou por um período muito maior do que aquele determinado. Eram portadores de uma condição sócio-jurídica ambígua: eram africanos livres numa sociedade em que africanos eram, em sua maior parte, escravos; além disso sua liberdade vigorava sob uma tutela cercada por indefinições. O alto grau de particularidade de sua condição forçou o surgimento de um leque de fatos e circunstâncias específicos, principalmente da parte do Estado, para dar conta de administrá-los, conduzi-los e controlá-los. A documentação deixada no rastro destas práticas específicas revela certas brechas de significado no complexo mundo do trabalho do século XIX. Por isso, consideramos os africanos livres como uma importante chave de acesso para um entendimento mais detalhado das transformações das relações de trabalho naquela época. Este estudo focaliza a experiência dos africanos livres na fábrica de pólvora do Império entre os anos de 1830 e 1864, onde tiveram estreito contato com outros grupos sociais, como escravos da nação, trabalhadores livres e soldados artífices / Abstract: ¿Liberated african¿, ¿freed african¿, ¿prize negroes¿ and ¿emancipado¿. These expressions, in the nineteenth century, indicated the juridical status of every ilegally enslaved africans rescued by government authorities in slave trade ships after the slave trade prohibition. Once captured by a government, like Brazil¿s Empire, they should be put to work as ¿apprentices¿. It was the Empire's responsibility to keep liberated africans under guardianship for 14 years, and then release them, according to an agreement between Brazil and the British Crown. His was not accomplished by Brazil's Empire, and so most liberated africans served either the state or private hirers their entire lives. Liberated africans¿ social and juridical condition was two-fold: they were in a society in which africans were mostly slaves and still their freedom was hardly prevented by a guardianship surrounded by uncertainty. Their high level of peculiarity has shaped series of specific facts and circumstances, most of them in state¿s environment, to manage and control them. The documentation this specific administration left behind can reveal new meanings for the complex nineteenth century¿s labor world. That is why liberated africans are a key to understand more about labor relation changes at that time. This paper focuses liberated africans¿ experience in a powder factory owned by the Empire between 1830 and 1864, where they happened to be in touch with different social groups, like government slaves, free workers and military craft workers / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

Thesis (M. Dev. (Development and Management Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2017 / This mini-dissertation deals with the implementation of laws regulating mining industries transformation in South Africa. This mini-dissertation finds that the pace of transformation is very low and the challenges faced in the mining industries which are slowing the process are evaluated. Such challenges include: lack of skills, unqualified candidates and lack of experience. It finds that the Broad-based socio-economic empowerment (BBSEE) introduced 15% target by 2011 where only 8.9% was reached in respect of transformation and that by 2014, 26% must be met where only 17.4% at the top management is achieved. The call for nationalisation of mines as a solution to speed up transformation have also been evaluated and the Mining Qualification Authority category of providing scholarships to maths and science learners to the exclusion of other streams as transformational aspect was also evaluated. The question as to whether 26% of the historically disadvantaged South Africans occupying managerial position is enough to rectify the injustices of the apartheid ills is also looked at. A comparative study was done between South Africa, Canada and Australia to see whether lessons could be learnt. Keywords: Implementation, transformation laws, Historically Disadvantaged South Africans, Mining Qualification Authority, and Mining industry.

No description available.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Talks about health literacy, beliefs about health of immigrants from the French speaking countries of West Africa in the USA. How they handle diabetes, navigate the health care system and how they get their information.

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Yes / This special issue gathers together a selection of short articles reflecting on the historical construction of inequality and race in the histories of archaeology. The articles also suggest ways in which the discipline might grapple with the—often obvious, sometimes subtle—consequences of that historical process. Solicited via an open call for papers in the summer of 2020 (one made with the aim of speedy publication), the breadth of the topics discussed in the articles reflect how inequality and race have become more prominent research themes within the histories of archaeology in the previous five-to-ten years. At the same time, the pieces show how research can—and should—be connected to attempts to promote social justice and an end to racial discrimination within archaeological practice, the archaeological profession, and the wider worlds with which the discipline interacts. Published at a time when a pandemic has not only swept the world, but also exposed such inequalities further, the special issue represents a positive intervention in what continues to be a contentious issue. / The EDH project was funded by the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), project number AH/S004580/1, and conducted in compliance with UCL’s ethical guidance, project id 14901/001.

Die Untersuchung befasst sich mit dem Grundgedanken, dass, trotz der im Friedensvertrag von Versailles festgelegten Aberkennung der deutschen überseeischen Besitzungen, das koloniale Regel- und Wertesystem des Kaiserreichs in der Weimarer Zeit durch die Führungskräfte der kolonialen Behörde weiter aufrechterhalten wurde und so weiterhin wirksam war. Die Führungskräfte sind zugleich als „kulturelle Akteure“ zu betrachten. Die Handlungen der „kulturellen Akteure“ standen nicht nur im nationalen, sondern auch im europäischen Kontext in Zusammenhang mit der Verflechtung zwischen Völkerrecht und Imperialismus. In dieser Dissertation geht es um die Fragen: Innerhalb welcher nationalen und europäischen Regelsysteme lässt sich die koloniale Behörde und ihre Funktionsfähigkeit verorten? Welche kulturellen Praktiken der Behörde können im Umgang sowohl mit den deutschen kolonialen Vereinen und Vereinigungen als auch mit den afrikanischen Zuwanderern festgestellt werden? Zudem soll beleuchtet werden, wie sich die Umorganisation der Behörde nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg und dem Ende des Deutschen Kaiserreiches auf die Kontinuität von Funktion, Inhalt und Zielen der kolonialen Behörde während der Weimarer Republik auswirkte. Der „koloniale Gedanke“ beinhaltet die Kerngedanken des kolonialen Wertesystems des Kaiserreiches und wurde an die soziale Ordnung der Weimarer Zeit angepasst. Die Erforschung des deutschen Kolonialismus erfordert sowohl die Aufstellung einer geeigneten theoretischen Grundlage als auch die Auswahl einer methodischen Vorgehensweise, die kritische wie auch reflektierende Blicke auf die historischen Geschehnisse beinhaltet. Durch die Auswertung und Analyse von historischen Quellen, darunter Archivalien, Verhandlungen des Parlaments und League of Nations Permanent Mandates Commission Minutes wurden die kulturellen Praktiken und Handlungsweisen der leitenden Akteure in der kolonialen Behörde beleuchtet. / After the First World War, the victorious European powers acquired Germany’s overseas possessions. The phasing out of the colonial administrative apparatus, established in Berlin during the German Empire, began before the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles during the Paris Peace Conference. By the mid-1920s, the former Colonial Ministry had been transitioned and made a subordinate department. My dissertation focuses on the senior colonial administrators as kulturelle Akteure who were responsible for developing and implementing policies around “der koloniale Gedanke,” which advanced domestic and foreign policy goals of successive governments during the Weimar Republic. Employing the methodology of Quellenanalyse, I analyze primary unpublished and published sources, including interdepartmental correspondence, the proceedings of the parliament, and the League of Nations’ Permanent Mandates Commission Minutes. The main research themes center on the continuity of administrative functions, policies and goals; the central function of colonial cultural norms and values, the presence and status of African immigrant groups and individuals; and the intersection of international law and imperialism. Indeed, I argue that as a theoretical framework, Die Hegemonie der ‘Europäischen Kulturgemeinschaft’ supports a paradigm shift for both the disciplines of History and Cultural Anthropology from a position of “if” to a critical analysis of “how” European states, especially the German Empire, established its system of imperialism on the African continent. It also contends that books and articles written by senior colonial actors as well as African and African Diasporic actors offer a more nuanced and multifaceted colonial narrative than previously known. Moreover, senior colonial administrators based their fundamental assumptions on colonial cultural norms and values, revealing the importance of German colonial afterlives to interwar politics in and beyond the nation.

Diese Arbeit, die auf persönlichen Erfahrungen als Asylbewerber in Deutschland basiert, fokussiert sich auf die sozioökonomische Integration von schwarzafrikanischen Asylbewerber:innen, d.h. mit einer Aufenthaltserlaubnis nach § 55 des deutschen Asylgesetzes, und von geduldeten Migrant:innen, d.h. mit einem Duldungsstatus nach § 60a des deutschen Aufenthaltsgesetzes. Die Arbeit untersucht ihre Teilnahme an deutschen Integrationskursen und ihren Zugang zu Arbeitserlaubnissen in den sechzehn Bundesländern, die von der Ausländerbehörde und der Bundesagentur für Arbeit streng kontrolliert werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Personen einer wirtschaftlichen Tätigkeit nachgehen, um ihren Lebensunterhalt in Deutschland zu bestreiten als auch um Familienangehörige in ihren Heimatländern zu unterstützen. Methodisch bedient sich die Arbeit eines Methodenmix, der ethno-soziogeographische Instrumente zur Datenerhebung, -verarbeitung und -analyse einsetzt. Zwischen 2016 und Juni 2021 wurden zwanzig Einzelfallstudien, dreihundert halbstrukturierte Fragebögen, sechs Fokusgruppendiskussionen mit der Zielgruppe und deutschen Beamten des Gerichts und der Ausländerbehörde sowie zwei Experteninterviews mit Abgeordneten deutscher Parlamente durchgeführt. Zu den aufgedeckten wirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten gehören der Drogenhandel, das Ausliefern von Zeitungen, informeller Streetfood-Verkauf, Friseurhandwerk, der Handel und das Testen auf Corona. Da informelle (illegale, halblegale und kriminelle) Wirtschaftspraktiken als Einstieg in den Arbeitsmarkt und als Reaktion auf die begrenzten Möglichkeiten der deutschen Behörden häufig genutzt werden, schließt die Arbeit mit der Aufforderung an die politischen Entscheidungsträger, den derzeitigen sozioökonomischen Integrationsrahmen für diese beiden Kategorien von Migrant:innen in Deutschland dringend zu überdenken. / This thesis, based on personal experience as an asylum seeker in Germany, focuses on the socio-economic integration of Black African asylum seekers, i.e. with a residence permission § 55 of the German Asylum Act, as well as tolerated migrants, i.e. with a toleration status § 60a German Residence Act. The thesis sheds light on their participation in German integration courses and their access to work permits across the sixteen German states, which are subject to strict regulations by the Foreigner Registration Office and the Federal Office of Work. The findings reveal that individuals engage in economic activities to financially sustain themselves within the territory and also to support family members in their home countries. Methodically, the thesis employs mixed methods, utilizing ethno-sociogeographical tools for data acquisition, processing, and analysis. Between 2016 and June 2021, the thesis conducted twenty individual case studies, three hundred semi-structured questionnaires, two expert interviews with members of German parliaments, six focus group discussions with the target group and German officials from the court, the Foreigner registration office. The economic activities uncovered include drug dealing, newspaper delivery, informal street food selling, hairdressing, trading, and COVID-19 testing. As there is a massive use of informal economic practices (illegal, semi-legal, and criminal) as entry point to the job market and as a response to limited opportunities provided by the German authorities, the thesis concludes with a call to policymakers to urgently reconsider the current socio-economic integration framework for this two categories of migrants in Germany.

Blaming those who are different from us because of skin colour, nationality and language when things do not go right during the process of reconstruction is common among those who are faced with such a task. This assertion is confirmed by our examination and evaluation of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel. In South Africa socio-economic and political reasons are cited for the rejection of African immigrants by some South Africans. The Jews in the post exilic period understood their religious, social and economic problems to be caused by others. What is more disturbing is that the Jews understood their xenophobia to be demanded or legitimised by God. These reasons for them necessitated hatred, isolation, stigmatisation and sometimes negative actions against foreigners. When we compare xenophobia in both post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel in this study, we find that factors such as identity, notion of superiority, negative perception of those who are different and use of power, play a major role in the exacerbation of xenophobia. In evaluating both situations, using the African principle of Ubuntu and Christian moral values, we are able to demonstrate that xenophobia as found in both situations is morally wrong since it is inhuman, selfish, racist/ethnocentric, discriminatory and often violent. Ubuntu and Christian values and principles such as human dignity, human rights, reciprocity, love, compassion, forgiveness, hospitality and community were sacrificed by South Africans and Jews in their dealings with foreigners in their respective situations. It is argued here that among other things in the case of South Africa, the reduction of inflammatory statements by government representatives and the media, education of the unemployed, the youth and workers; and the meeting of spiritual, material, humanitarian and moral needs by the Church, will help sensitise South Africans to the plight of African immigrants and migrants and will further deepen the ubuntu and Christian values. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Th.(Theological Ethics)