Selecting actors to appear in an advertisement is an important decision which has a crucial impact on the effectiveness of an advertising campaign. The same message, delivered by different actors, produces varying outcomes among consumers. This dilemma concerning the choice of actors occurs particularly in multi-racial societies, such as South Africa, where advertisers have to target different sectors of the community. In multi-racial societies, the choice of actors in advertisements goes beyond the usual commercial reasons. Indeed, two dimensions are generally conferred to multi-racial advertising. Firstly, the use of multi-racial representations allows for the targeting of a wider population that also owns a wider purchasing power. Marketers who want to market their brand use, for example, white and black actors so that white and black consumers can identify with the actors and recognize themselves as the target of the advertisement. Secondly, the multi-racial representations of this type of advertising hold a social role that counteracts the segregated depiction of the society. Consumers who are exposed to a multi-racial advertisement might perceive this social dimension and attribute a social responsibility to the advertisement. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the influence of the above dimensions on the effectiveness of a multi-racial advertisement. On the one hand, this study investigates the Identification Process followed by a consumer exposed to a multi-racial advertisement. On the other hand, it examines how consumers attribute a social responsibility to a specific multiracial advertisement and how this attribution, in turn, influences their responses to the advertisement and brand. Finally, the impacts of both of these dimensions on consumer behaviour are compared and the most persuasive dimension is identified. This thesis draws on Attribution Theory and Identification Theory in arguing that there are strong economic imperatives for adopting a multi-racial advertising approach. The thesis develops a conceptual framework and tests empirically hypotheses regarding the key constructs and moderating variables. The empirical results point out that both dimensions symbiotically influence the effectiveness of a multi-racial advertisement. Specifically, the results highlight that the social responsibility attributed by the viewers to the advertisement influences their behaviour more than the Identification Process.

The phenomenon of migration has given rise to prolific research emphasising the psychological adaptation of persons post-immigration. This study focuses on psychological preparation pre-immigration. Literature study and empirical research establish that an immigrant's adaptation is influenced by migration motivation and expectations. Several phases of adaptation occur, during which time individual stress is influenced by one's perception of the balance between the stresses of the new environment and one's personal and external resources. Various migration stressors could be identified in the sample group of South Africans living in Australia. Personal and external resources include effective coping strategies, a positive, committed outlook, strong self-esteem as well as a cohesive family and an acquired support system. Finally, guidelines were produced reflecting that the preparation for immigration is a complex and highly individualised task comprised of providing information, encouraging self-assessment and supplying training to improve the coping startegies of the individual. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Guidance and Counseling)

The dissertation deals with the roots of civic apathy in local government, and the main emphasis is to establish the root cause/s of civic apathy. The hypothesis: 'civic apathy is a phenomenon intensified by ignorance and a feeling of powerlessness and frustration on the electorate' is tested in this study. To examine further specific aspects of civic apathy, including establishing the cause/s and effects of apathy, the author conducted a quantitative research in the Northern Metropolitan Area m Johannesburg, using questionnaires and literature study as the research method. The hypothesis advanced in the dissertation has been validated insofar as it has been argued and demonstrated that indeed people can feel powerless and frustrated if they are deliberately being excluded from, or denied the opportunity to participate actively in their local government activities. The main finding is that civic apathy is intensified by ignorance. However, the most important finding is that there ts a causal relationship between powerlessness, frustration and apathy. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration)

Orientador: Robert Wayne Andrew Slenes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T02:49:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Reis_IsabelCristinaFerreirados_D.pdf: 7324174 bytes, checksum: d43057c026869ed36fa18b00aec64202 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Neste estudo investigo a experiência de vida familiar negra no contexto da Bahia escravista da segunda metade do século XIX, enfatizando a forma como as mudanças sociais, econômicas e políticas do período influíram nas relações familiares dos negros submetidos ou não ao regime de cativeiro. Argumento que, para melhor conhecer esta experiência, há que se considerar uma conjuntura nitidamente emancipacionista ¿ tanto do ponto de vista de uma política arquitetada e controlada pelo Estado, como pelas ações capitaneadas pelos escravizados, negros livres e libertos. Nesta conjuntura, se ampliou a interação entre indivíduos com estatutos jurídico diferenciados, ligados por laços de família, parentesco, relacionamentos afetivos e comunitários, o que nos legou uma história afro-brasileira repleta de sujeitos em situações complexas ou inusitadas, a exemplo das muitas histórias contadas ao longo deste trabalho. Para a elaboração deste estudo, foi realizada uma ampla pesquisa em fontes arquivísticas e historiográficas, através das quais se realizaram problematizações elucidativas sobre a experiência de vida familiar negra e do cotidiano da escravidão. A combinação de fontes qualitativas e demográficas favoreceu a compreensão dos sentidos que os negros conferiam às suas próprias experiências / Abstract: In this study I investigate black family life in the context of the slave-based society of Bahia, Brazil in the second half of the 19th century. My research particularly examines how social, economic and political changes in the final decades of slavery influenced family relations among blacks, whose legal statuses often differed within the same kin group. I argue that in order to best understand this experience, we must consider it within a distinctly emancipationist set of conditions ¿ including the gradual abolitionist policies constructed and controlled by the State, as well as the self-directed actions toward the liberation of family members by enslaved, free and freed black people. Given these particular historical circumstances, interactions developed among individuals of different legal statuses linked to each other through family ties, affective relationships and broader community connections. This study contributes to understanding a remarkable Afro-Brazilian history of individuals and families in complex and uncommon situations, many of which are reflected in stories told in this work. The study is based on extensive investigation in archival and historiographic sources, by means of which I was able to illuminate important scholarly questions related to 19th century black family life and the daily experience of slavery. A combination of qualitative and demographic sources facilitated an exploration of the meanings that blacks conferred on their own personal and collective experiences as members of family groupings / Doutorado / Historia Social da Cultura / Doutor em História

No início da Guerra da Secessão (1861-1865), os Estados Unidos promoveram negociações internacionais que pretendiam transferir seus afrodescendentes, em diversas condições de escravidão e liberdade para diversos países independentes da América Latina e possessões coloniais no Caribe. Ainda que tais negociações não tenham resultado de fato na realocação de homens e mulheres afro-americanos, as trocas diplomáticas, bem como outras fontes documentais, revelaram interessantes debates sobre escravidão, raça, construção nacional e o trabalho dependente no pós-abolição, que fazem do tema uma espécie de microcosmo que abrange questões substanciais que marcaram as mudanças nos mundos do trabalho no século XIX. Os projetos de colonização, como então foram chamados, para população afroamericana foram propostos e negociados por Washington com os seguintes países e colônias abrangidos pelo presente trabalho: Brasil, Equador, atual Panamá (pertencente, à época, à atual Colômbia), Costa Rica, Nicarágua. Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Belize (Honduras Britânicas), Guiana Britânica, Suriname (colônia da Holanda), na ilha dinamarquesa de Santa Cruz, Haiti e Libéria. / In the early years of its Civil War, the United States Government proposed to resettle African- Americans throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Though these schemes did not ultimately come to fruition, the intentions of the United States and the responses of negotiating nations reflected broader debates on slavery, race, nation building and indenture labor in the post abolition era. These colonization projects, as they were then called, aimed to resettle African-Americans in countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, present-day Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, present-day Belize, British Guiana, Surinam, St. Croix Island, Haiti and Liberia.

En Belgique, à l’instar d’autres populations d’origine immigrée, les populations d’origine africaine subsaharienne font face à une relative impuissance. Cette dernière peut-être déterminée en fonction de critères tels que l’accès à l’emploi, au logement, à l’enseignement, ou encore le statut juridico-politique. Dans ma thèse, je m’intéresse aux stratégies mises en place par ces populations afin d’améliorer collectivement leur sort. J’articule la question des conséquences sociales et culturelles de la migration en termes de dialectique de l’identification, focalisée notamment sur l’utilisation couramment synonymique des catégories ethno-raciales « africain », « subsaharien » et « noir », avec celle des formes de l’action collective dégagées dans le cadre des social movement studies. Ma réflexion part d’une proposition théorique formulée de façon synthétique par Pnina Werbner et suggérant que, malgré le climat concurrentiel que la formation et l’expansion d’associations ethniques peut générer, leur développement et leur mise en relation constituerait les prémices incontournables d’éventuelles actions collectives protestataires. Pour Pnina Werbner, cette mise en réseau des associations, si elle s’assortit d’un processus de « convergence idéologique », peut donner lieu à des mobilisations. J’ai enrichi cette proposition de deux manières :d’une part, en affinant la notion de convergence idéologique au moyen de la littérature sur le cadrage et le processus d’alignement des cadres dans la mobilisation collective, et, d’autre part, en articulant dans mon analyse les trois courants théoriques centraux des recherches sur des mouvements sociaux – structure des opportunités politiques, mobilisations des ressources, cadres de l’action collective.<p><p>J’ai ainsi montré que le système politique belge était globalement à la fois favorable à l’expression de potentiels mouvements sociaux issus de l’immigration et peu ouvert à leur reconnaissance officielle. J’ai également mis en évidence que les niveaux infra-nationaux et supra-nationaux véhiculaient des opportunités politiques spécifiques. Je me suis ensuite penchée sur la façon dont les différentes opportunités et contraintes politiques mises à jour ont été saisies par deux associations « africaines » soucieuses de former un groupe d’intérêt représentant l’ensemble de la collectivité d’origine africaine subsaharienne, et sur les conséquences organisationnelles de ces choix. Ces études de cas m’ont permis de mettre en exergue le répertoire d’action accommodateur dans lequel ces organisations s’inscrivent, et la relation de leurs membres avec la structure des opportunités politiques. J’ai souligné comment certaines de ces opportunités, dans la façon dont elles ont été réappropriées par les leaders associatifs, ont eu un impact négatif sur la cohésion interne de leurs associations. Aussi, en me penchant plus spécifiquement sur la façon dont les différentes parties prenantes de ces organisations donnent sens aux activités de celles-ci, j’ai montré que les objectifs de ces associations étaient, de façon générale, investis de sens fort différents par les acteurs, y compris au sein des collèges d’administrateurs. Dans la lignée des travaux de Michael Herzfeld, les résultats de ma recherche soulignent la relation disémique inévitable entre la volonté de représentation communautaire officielle et les pratiques internes à la collectivité. Depuis quelques années, les entrepreneurs de représentation de cette collectivité tâchent d’amenuiser cette disémie en engageant leurs associations respectives, rebaptisées « panafricaines », dans des actions collectives. L’analyse de ces actions rend compte de la construction d’un « répertoire symbolique commun » qui se décline autour du référent panafricain et de politiques identitaires pragmatiques. Enfin, j’ai identifié les formes de sociabilité plutôt élitaires du réseau associatif « panafricain » comme une limite de son extension.<p><p>Ces développements empiriques montrent tout l’intérêt d’observer largement « l’espace des mouvements sociaux », c’est-à-dire la trajectoire des organisations et des acteurs susceptibles de donner forme à l’action collective. Ce faisant, mon travail contribue à décloisonner des études sur les mouvements sociaux trop souvent cantonnées aux actions protestataires directement menées contre l’autorité publique. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Black South Africans have been exposed to an unequal and divided education system. It has been expected that the basis for an equitable education system would be laid in the post apartheid period. In this thesis I have provided an analysis of education policy development in South Africa between May 1994 and mid-1997. My main aim has been to understand the policy vision that the post apartheid state has enacted as the basis for educational reconstruction. The conceptual framework of this thesis is located in the academic fields of Education and Development and Policy Sociology. I have focused on the interaction between the broad delimitations set by the structural, economic and political dimensions in society on the one hand, and the political and policy dynamics that have given education policy its specific meaning on the other hand. The role of the government in enacting a specific policy vision has been at the centre of my analysis. The government has effected a conservative vision with the adoption of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macroeconomic strategy. GEAR has targeted the development of an export-based global economy along post fordist lines. Predicated upon an emphasis on fiscal discipline, the dominant policy orientation has supported equity but without an emphasis on redress. This approach has not provided the necessary basis for education reconstruction. The National Qualifications Framework (NQF)and Outcomes-based education (OBE) embody a definite vision in terms of which education policy would be aligned with economic development. This vision is based on the false assumption that education should playa fundamental role in producing the sophisticated labour demands of a globally competitive economy. The logic of both GEAR and the NQF is internally inconsistent and the relationship between these two policy frameworks is unsustainable. By mid-1997 a definitive narrow and conservative education policy vision had been established which would impede the development of an equitable education system. Education policy 'narrowing' has not been achieved easily, nor has its outcome been inevitable. The specificity of the political context and policy processes has shaped the policy outcomes. A moderate constitutional dispensation has impeded the possibility of developing a radical policy vision. The semi-federal powers awarded to the provinces have led to inconqruence between national and provincial policy. Court challenges aimed at protecting historically acquired educational privileges, have been brought by conservative groups against national education legislation. The apartheid-era bureaucrats, whose jobs were protected by the negotiated constitution, have impeded the development of progressive policy. They brought the conservative policy reformism of the apartheid state into the new policy processes. The NQF has been developed on the basis of a policy consensus between labour and capital in support of skills training and upgrading of workers. Participation in policy processes has been determined 0[1 the basis of identified stakeholders This has given rise to a technicist policy approach that bas excluded many interest groups, academics and professional experts. Most teachers felt alienated by the curriculum policy process. Policy has been developed in a reconstituted civil society. The progressive education movement has been demobilised, and its place has been taken by a constellation of conservative forces who have used the moderate political climate to advance conservative policy interests. The government has had to make policy within a constrained political and policy environment. With regard to the main conceptual underpinning of this thesis, i.e. the relationship between equality and (economic) development, it is clear that the government has favoured the development dimension in pursuit of an education framework that would aid the generation of a globally competitive economy. Social equality has thus been sideline. I have advanced the view that where the government has reneged on the delivery of the social welfare and educational demands of an expectant polity, education policy has manifested as, means of compensatory legitimation at the symbolic level to 'signal', rather than give effect to real change. In my analysis of school access and school curriculum policy, I have suggested that policy has been limited to 'signalling' a commitment to a reconstructed and equitable education system. This has masked the conservative framework that has come to underpin education policy by mid-1997.

MSc (Botany) / Department of Botany / Plant populations are determined by many elements that impose demographic filters. Following disturbance, in African savanna woodland trees regenerate both sexually and vegetatively. Vachellia karroo (Hayne) Banfi and Galasso, family Fabaceae and sub family Mimosideae, commonly known as “sweet thorn” or “soetdoring” (Afrikaans), is a leguminous shrub common throughout Southern Africa. Its distribution range is from the Southwestern Cape northwards into Namibia, Angola, Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe. It is a pioneer species and has the ability to encroach rapidly into grassland grazing areas. Therefore, V. karroo is considered the most important woody invader of grasslands in South Africa. This study aimed at investigating the population biology and ecology of V. karroo in the clay waterlogged site of the Nylsvley Nature Reserve. Plant height, stem circumference, canopy cover, distance between individuals were measured and disturbance levels on individuals of V. karroo were estimated during sampling. The results showed that the population of V. karroo display an adequate growth curve thus implying that the population of V. karroo in the Nylsvley Nature Reserve is healthy and viable. More mature healthy individuals were found in September and December, than during June and July; this is obviously because early summer season, and in September most of the savanna plant species were starting to actively recover from the winter dry season. This is confirmation enough that the population of V. karroo is expanding in the clay waterlogged areas of Nylsvley Nature Reserve.

In 1807, Parliament passed an Act to abolish the slave trade, leading to the Royal Navy’s campaign of policing international waters and seizing ships suspected of illegal trading. As the Royal Navy captured slave ships as prizes of war and condemned enslaved Africans to Vice-Admiralty courts, formerly enslaved Africans became “captured negroes” or “liberated Africans,” making the subjects in the British colonies. This work, which takes a microhistorical approach to investigate the everyday experiences of liberated Africans in Tortola during the early nineteenth century, focuses on the violent conditions of liberated African women, demonstrating that abolition consisted of violent contradictions that mirrored slavery.

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