Various interpretations of the Germanic invasions of the early Middle Ages have been advanced. These present to the student of historiography a fertile field for inquiry. In this thesis the interpretations of the Germanic invasions propounded by Jules Michelet (1798-1874) and Gustav Freytag (1816-1875) are examined with a view to establishing the cultural context in which their mutually exclusive versions were formulated, and the extent to which that context lent the interpretations of both writers a perceptible national and aesthetic bias.

Cette étude partira de deux principes fondamentaux. D’abord, elle considérera le goût du vin comme une construction complexe qui, par l’exercice de la dégustation, convoque à fois la vue, la capacité à percevoir les saveurs, et la mémoire olfactive. Ensuite, elle concevra le goût comme le rapport esthétique et discriminatoire qu’on peut entretenir avec un objet. En ce sens, l’argumentation aura pour but d’explorer les aspects de la dégustation dans la « large Antiquité », en comparant de manière systématique la littérature grecque à la littérature latine. Comme le vocabulaire pour parler du vin est aussi sensoriel (amer, sucré) qu’extrasensoriel (charpenté, costaud), nous proposerons dans cette étude une relecture des sources pour voir de quelle manière les Anciens caractérisaient le vin qu’ils dégustaient. Le tout, en démontrant comment couleur, harmonie, goûts et textures jouent un rôle dans la compréhension et le développement du goût du vin. La comparaison des sources grecques et latines tentera de montrer qu’un véritable raffinement de vocabulaire est perceptible au courant des Ier et IIe siècles, en lien avec la constitution d’une sphère plus spécialisée de dégustateurs. L’exercice sera donc réalisé sans oublier le nécessaire retour à la terre pour comprendre les principes fondamentaux de la vitiviniculture. L’ensemble, en suggérant que la terminologie relative aux saveurs et les techniques agricoles de l’Antiquité sont capables de capturer des complexités similaires à celles d’aujourd’hui. L’examen des sources aura également pour but de démontrer qu’avec l’enrichissement indéniable de ce vocabulaire, un véritable exercice de distinction sociale se dessine pour l’élite romaine en situation de dégustation. Par la dialectique propre au vin, nous tenterons de voir que de la vigne au chai puis du cellier à la table, la pratique de la dégustation en milieu social inclut et exclut, fonde et déconstruit, honore et ridiculise à la fois. / This study will start from two fundamental principles. Firstly, it will consider the taste of wine as a complex construction which, through the exercise of tasting, convokes at the same time the sight, the ability to perceive flavours, and the olfactory memory. Secondly, it will conceive taste as the aesthetic and discriminatory relationship that one can maintain with an object. To that extent, the argumentation will explore aspects of tasting in the "broad Antiquity" by systematically comparing Greek literature with Latin literature. Because the vocabulary used to talk about wine is as sensory (bitter, sweet) as it is extrasensory (robust, full-bodied), we will propose in this study a new reading of the sources to see how the Ancients characterized the wine they tasted. All of this, while demonstrating how color, harmony, tastes and textures play a role in the understanding and development of the taste of wine. The comparison of Greek and Latin sources will try to show that a real refinement of vocabulary is perceptible during the first and second centuries, in connection with the constitution of a more specialized sphere of tasters. The exercise will therefore be carried out without forgetting the necessary basics of agriculture to understand the fundamental principles of winemaking. Taken together, suggesting that the flavor terminology and agricultural techniques of antiquity are capable of capturing complexities similar to those of today. The examination of the sources will also aim to demonstrate that with the undeniable enrichment of this vocabulary, a real exercise in social distinction for the Roman elite in tasting situations is taking shape. Through a dialectic specific to wine, we will try to see that from the vine to the cellar and then from the cellar to the table, the practice of tasting in a social environment both includes and excludes, builds and deconstructs, honors and mocks.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This examination of the first five years of his preaching identifies key ways in which Augustine of Hippo transformed classical rhetoric into the pattern he would later outline in De doctrina christiana. This thesis argues that Augustine began his career as a priest giving sermons in line with the sophistic speeches he had taught before his conversion, but that by 396 he had "redeemed" his rhetoric to fit the new purposes of the Christian church. During these early years, Augustine reduced or removed the classical exordia and perorations in order to meld his sermons into the liturgy. He also humbled, but did not eliminate, his rhetorical polish as he shifted the main purpose of rhetoric from pleasing the elites to teaching the masses.

ChronARG, the result of international collaboration, is a critical presentation of recent scholarship pertinent to the study of ancient Greek material religion, published annually in Kernos.

ChronARG, the result of international collaboration, is a critical presentation of recent scholarship pertinent to the study of ancient Greek material religion, published annually in Kernos.

Lena C. Steinjahns verfasste einen theologisch-religionswissenschaftlichen Beitrag zu „Mächtige Männer – ohnmächtige Frauen? Machtkonzeption und Geschlecht in den spätantiken Texten zur Diakonin Olympias von Konstantinopel“. Der Aufsatz bietet eine geschlechtersensible Lesart von spätantiken Texten über die byzantinische Diakonin, Ordensstifterin und Äbtissin Olympias, ihre Vita und Legende. Ausgehend vom Machtkonzept Foucaults, werden einerseits die Zusammenhänge zwischen Machtverhältnissen, Machtvoraussetzungen und unkonventionellen weiblichen Handlungs- und Gestaltungspotenzialen von Olympias als historischer Person analysiert. Andererseits wird die jeweilige auktoriale Deutungsmacht der Texte in den Blick genommen. Auf diese Weise werden die textuellen Konstruktionen, Erzähl- und Deutungsschemata transparent, mit denen die einzelnen Verfasser ihr meist hagiographisches Olympias-Bild legendial modellieren und strategisch zur Sicherung tradierter patriarchaler Geschlechterrollen und -stereotype verwenden.

The myth of the Amazons began in Ancient Greece. Renditions of the myth were found in art and literature of the Greeks and Romans in the ancient world. The image of the Amazons changed with the culture and ideology that discussed them. The Amazon myth reflected Greek and Roman views of women. Through looking closely at the three stages of the myth of the Amazons one can determine the myth strengthens the image of women that was held by men of the ancient world. The Amazons were connected with the heroes Heracles, Theseus, and Alexander the Great. Individual Amazons such as Antiope, Penthesilea, and Camilla were also dominant in the mythology of the Amazons. By completing a literary analysis of the myths of the Amazons beginning in the eighth century B.C. and through the fourth century A.D. one is able to see what was expected and deemed acceptable of women.

<p dir="ltr">The popularity and success of <i>A Testimonie of Antiquitie </i>is apparent in the number of printed editions between 1566-1687; as Allen Frantzen writes in his <i>Desire for Origins</i>, it was one of the most frequently printed Old English texts. However, no one has ever conducted a critical examination of every printed edition of Ælfric’s Easter Homily from its first printing in 1566/1567 to its last printed edition in the seventeenth century in 1687. Examining these editions through a book and print history lens is vastly productive. It enables us to see how printers and translators have made lasting impacts on the text and how historical events influenced the editorial decisions and production of the editions. Furthermore, comparing and contrasting the transcriptions and translations in the editions brings new understanding as to how translators and printers were utilizing these texts for editorial and formatting purposes. From this examination, we can draw important connections among the editions; these connections demonstrate which edition a translator and printer utilized for their publication of the text. Tracking the editorial and formatting changes of the editions and placing those changes within a historical context provides key information on why and how these editions were being produced. Moreover, this dissertation exemplifies the trajectory of early modern English book and print history.</p>

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En année 408 après J.-C., l’Espagne, malgré sa position péninsulaire à la fin de l’Europe, était intégrée à une culture pan-Méditerranéenne qui s’étendait du Portugal jusqu’à la Syrie. Trois décennies n’étaient pas encore passées depuis l’instauration du Christianisme comme religion de l’état romain et l’Eglise Catholique était en pleine croissance. L’année suivante, l’Espagne entra sur une voie de transformation irrémédiable alors que les païens, avec leurs langues barbares Germaniques franchirent les Pyrénées portant la guerre et la misère aux Hispano-Romains et fondant leurs royaumes là où auparavant gouvernait l’état romain. Dans le désarroi du Ve siècle, les évêques Catholiques luttèrent pour imposer leur dominance dans les communautés et dans les coeurs des pieux. À la lumière des progrès dans l’archéologie et la qualité des éditions critiques de nos sources littéraires est venu le moment d’identifier les évêques ibériques avec une attention aux conditions régionales. Ce mémoire caractérise les évêques de l’Espagne et du Portugal et démontre les épreuves auxquelles ils firent face comme intermédiaires entre indigènes et envahisseurs, comme évangélistes parmi les païens, persécuteurs des apostates et gardiens de la romanitas à la fin du monde Antique. / In Anno Domini 408, Spain, despite its peninsular location at the ends of Europe, was part of a pan-Mediterranean culture which spread from Portugal to Syria. Christianity had been adopted a mere 28 years prior and the Catholic Church was growing across the Roman world. The following year, Spain entered on a course of irreversible transformation as pagan Germanic speaking 'barbarians' crossed the Pyrenees bringing war and strife to the Hispano-Romans and establishing new kingdoms where the Roman state had once governed. In the turmoil of the fifth century, Catholic bishops laboured to assert their dominance over their communities and over the hearts of their flock. In light of advances in archaeology and quality critical editions of the literary sources, the time has come to identify the traits of the Iberian bishops with attention to regional variation. This thesis characterises the bishops of Spain and Portugal and demonstrates the challenges they faced as intermediaries between natives and newcomers, as proselytizers of pagans, persecutors of heretics and retainers of romanitas at the end of the Antique world.