Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Waldeir Moreno Rosa.pdf: 2153826 bytes, checksum: f34031edf768e9fa5cdc0f7ad2902933 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This master's thesis analyzes the role of Antonio Delfim Netto in the various dimensions of political and economic power of bourgeois hegemony in the sixties and seventies. Initially, focuses on the historical period in which members of the Brazilian owning class associated with international capital, before compose the Bonapartist dictatorship established in 1964, have conspired against the constitutionally elected president, João Goulart, especially if extended into the Ipês complex (Institute of Economic and Social Research). Looks up at that first moment, on the class content of the article Problems of Brazilian economic development, especially prepared by the Dauphin to ipesiana magazine Convivium. In a second chapter, attentive to the participation of the economist at the National Association of Economic and Social Planning (ANPES), created by the conspirators to March 31, 1964, as a business front to influence the new business of the military dictatorship. Analyzes there, too, the book Planning for Economic Development of the then Secretary of the São Paulo State Finance. In the third chapter, after the so-called "coup within the coup", with the laying of the Bonapartist hardline and his dictatorial closing, we investigate the ideological reasons for the meteoric rise of the economist in the Ministry of Finance of the "years of lead" that is under Costa e Silva and Emilio Garrastazu Medici (1967-1974). At this point, enumerate up their participation in the "box" of Oban (Operation Bandeirante) and his vote in favor of the Institutional Act No. 5 in the National Security Council. Are analyzed, there, the official speeches the Minister considered the Czar Bonapartist political economy in his "years of lead", seeking to associate them with the practices of Delfim Netto attitudes and thus demonstrating the social function in the context of those years exercised by delfiniano ideological complex. That is, it is understood here delfiniana ideology in its social determination and particular historical context, deciphering the internal connection inherent to his autocratic bourgeois ideology, as well as explaining the effective function that fulfilled, in practice, the ideology of Brazilian economist. In view of Marx, with the advanced contributions by Chasin about Brazilian historical formation, has taken into account in the study of Delfim Netto, which is always "the man, the real, living man who does this, has it all and decides these combats; is not the story, you can be sure that, using man as a means to carry out - as if it were a person apart - their own ends; it is only the activity of the man who goes in search of himself. " Therefore, with all documentation found in newspapers, magazines, historiographical works, official speeches and events produced in the historical period under study, it remains more than proven the participation of Delfim Netto in class conspiracy, in the coup and the subsequent service who provided the political and economic reorganization of last Bonapartist dictatorship. Unfortunately, even today, however, its influence has continued, knowing the ideologue build for posterity one self-image of technocrat "neutral", supposedly the party or dissociated from all stratagems of state terrorism mounted in this country for the benefit of bourgeois autocracy atrophic capital. Its repeated denial before the crimes of the military dictatorship, registered in testimony to the Truth Commission of the City of 7 São Paulo, however, continues to separate and disassociate from manipulative way, made by Delfim Netto said about him by himself ideologue / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa a atuação de Antonio Delfim Netto nas várias dimensões do poder político e econômico da hegemonia burguesa nas décadas de sessenta e setenta. Inicialmente, centra-se no período histórico em que membros da classe proprietária brasileira associada ao capital internacional, antes de comporem a ditadura bonapartista instituída em 1964, já conspiravam contra o presidente constitucionalmente eleito, João Goulart, em especial se articulados no complexo Ipês (Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas e Sociais). Debruçamo-nos, nesse primeiro momento, sobre o teor classista do artigo Problemas do desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro, especialmente elaborado por Delfim para a revista ipesiana (Ipês) Convivium. Em um segundo capítulo, atenta-se para a participação do economista na Associação Nacional de Planejamento Econômico e Social (ANPES), criada pelos conspiradores a 31 de março de 1964, como uma frente empresarial para influir nos novos negócios da ditadura militar. Analisa-se aí, também, o livro Planejamento para o Desenvolvimento Econômico do então Secretário da Fazenda do Estado de São Paulo. No capítulo terceiro, depois do chamado golpe dentro do golpe , com a imposição da linha-dura bonapartista e seu fechamento ditatorial, investigam-se os motivos ideológicos da meteórica ascensão do economista no Ministério da Fazenda dos anos de chumbo , isto é, sob Costa e Silva e Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1967-1974). Nesse ponto, enumeram-se sua participação na caixinha da Oban (Operação Bandeirante) e seu voto a favor do Ato Institucional n.º 5 no Conselho de Segurança Nacional. Analisam-se, ali, os discursos oficiais do ministro tido como o czar da economia política bonapartista em seus anos de chumbo , buscando associá-los às atitudes práticas de Delfim Netto e, assim, demostrando a função social no contexto daqueles anos exercido pelo complexo ideológico delfiniano. Ou seja, compreende-se aqui a ideologia delfiniana em sua determinação social e contexto histórico particulares, decifrando a conexão interna inerente a seu ideário autocrático-burguês, bem como explicando a função efetiva que cumpriu, na práxis, a ideologia do economista brasileiro. Na perspectiva de Marx, com as contribuições avançadas por Chasin a respeito da formação histórica brasileira, tem-se em conta, no estudo de Delfim Netto, que é sempre o homem, o homem real e vivo, quem faz isso, possui tudo isso e decide esses combates; não é a história, podem estar certos disso, que usa o homem como meio para realizar como se ela fosse uma pessoa à parte seus próprios fins; ela é apenas a atividade do homem que vai em busca dele mesmo . Diante disso, com toda documentação encontrada em jornais, revistas, trabalhos historiográficos, discursos oficiais e outras manifestações produzidas no período histórico sob estudo, resta mais do que comprovada à participação de Delfim Netto na conspiração de classe, no golpe de Estado e no serviço subsequente que prestou ao reordenamento político-econômico da última ditadura bonapartista. Infelizmente, ainda hoje, porém, sua influência não cessou, sabendo o ideólogo construir para a posteridade uma autoimagem de tecnocrata neutro , supostamente, à parte ou dissociada de todos os estratagemas 5 do terrorismo de Estado montado neste país, em benefício da autocracia burguesa do capital atrófico. Seu reiterado negacionismo diante dos crimes da ditadura militar, registrado em depoimento à Comissão da Verdade da Câmara Municipal de São Paulo, entretanto, continua a separar e dissociar, de forma manipulatória, o feito por Delfim Netto do dito sobre si pelo próprio ideólogo

<p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p><h1>Abstract</h1><h2>C-Level Paper in Political Science, by David Olsson, Autumn 2008. Supervisor: Malin Stegman McCallion. “Regime Type and Trade Policy: Has Increased Democratization Contributed to Lower Trade Barriers Among Autocratic States?”</h2><p> </p><p>In this paper a new two-level game theory, based on previous research and deductive reasoning, is constructed and tested empirically. The purpose is to examine if developing new democracies, trading with developing autocracies, is an explanatory factor of trade liberalization among the latter. The research questions are: 1) Have tariff rates in developing autocratic countries followed the pattern of reduced tariffs among their developing new democratic trading partners? And; 2) If this is the case, is there a relative shift in trade flows that confirms this change to be an effect of the new democracies’ presumed influence?</p><p>                      In order to sufficiently carry out an empirical scrutiny, seven other determinants found to have effects on trade policies in previous research, are accounted for using a “most similar systems design”. For reasons of delimitation, six autocracies and their fifteen most important trading partners, observed 1980-1999, have been paired and analyzed. Each pair consists of one autocracy that trades with new democracies and one that does not; regarding the other determinants they are as similar as possible. The used material is the World Development Indicators, the Polity IV Dataset, the Yearbook of International Trade Statistics, the World Economic Outlook Database, the Database of Political Institutions, statistics from the World Trade Organization, the Dataset of Armed Conflicts, and the Unweighted Average Tariffs Measurement.   </p><p>                      The conclusion is that there are no indicators that affirm the theory and research questions. However, the theory is not unambiguously falsified. Hence, studies on more countries and time spans are needed.       </p><p> </p><p> </p></p><p> </p><p><p> </p></p><p> </p>

Kenia erlangt Anfang der 1960er seine Unabhängigkeit und wird in der Folge von den Präsidenten Kenyatta und später Moi autoritär regiert. Als Konsequenz des internationalen und nationalen Druckes werden 1991 wieder Mehrparteienwahlen zugelassen. Die Hoffnungen auf einen Trendwechsel werden zunächst aber nicht erfüllt. Präsident Moi bleibt bei den Wahlen 1992 und 1997 siegreich und versucht jeden möglichen Reformprozess aufzuhalten bzw. zu verlangsamen. Mit dem neu gewählten Präsidenten Kibaki entsteht 2002 die Hoffnung auf Veränderung. Aber als alter Wegbegleiter Mois erfüllt Kibaki nicht die internationalen und nationalen Erwartungen. Moi und Kibaki organisieren jeweils kontra-demokratische Eliten hinter sich und nutzen das mächtige Präsidentenamt, die stärkste Institution im politischen System Kenias, um den Status quo so lange wie möglich zu erhalten. Die Parteien werden weder durch die Regierung noch durch die Opposition zu starken Institutionen transformiert und das unstete Verhalten der Geberländer vermag den Einfluss der autoritären Führung nicht dauerhaft einzuschränken.

Humans have now amassed a sizable knowledge of widespread, nonconscious cognitive biases which affect our behavior, especially in social and economic contexts. I contend that a democratic government is uniquely justified in using knowledge of cognitive biases to promote pro-democratic behavior, conditionally justified in using it to accomplish ends traditionally within the scope of government authority, and unjustified in using it for any other purpose. I also contend that the government ought to redesign institutional infrastructure to avoid triggering cognitive biases where it is not permitted intentionally to manipulate such biases and to optimize the effects of such biases where permissible. I shall use the United States of America as an example throughout, but my conclusions apply equally to any democracy which values the political autonomy of its populace.

A tese tem, como pano de fundo, os acontecimentos políticos recentes que, desde 2002, geram fundamentais mudanças no Oriente Médio e, como foco principal, o Egito e a Turquia, Estados-chave da região. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar, com base em conceitos da teoria política clássica, moderna e contemporânea, a natureza dos regimes políticos dos países aqui citados. Países que deixaram de ser autocráticos, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, ainda não construíram uma forma de governo baseada na democracia liberal de estilo ocidental. Afinal, que espécie de governo está sendo construído no Egito e na Turquia? É possível colocar os modelos de democracia, liberalismo e democracia liberal enquanto paradigma definitivo para os dois casos? Ou se faz necessário abrir um horizonte mais amplo dentro da ciência política, buscando compreender as formas de governos mistos historicamente construídos desde a Antiguidade greco-romana? Nesse contexto, a tese busca também analisar outros conceitos importantes dentro da área, como Estado, soberania, nação e, especificamente, islã (governo de Deus), decisivo na forma como turcos e egípcios formam as suas respectivas sociedades e os seus governos. / The backdrop thesis is the recent political developments that have led to fundamental changes in the Middle East from 2002 to the 1st half of 2013, focusing mainly Egypt and Turkey, key states in the region, analyzing them from concepts of Classical, Modern and Contemporary Political Theory, and which is the nature of the political regimes of the countries cited here. These countries that have ceased to be autocratic, but where at the same time, not yet built a Liberal-Democratic form of Western-style government. After all, what kind of governments is going to be built in Egypt and Turkey? Is it possible to present models of democracy, liberalism and liberal democracy as paradigm for the final two cases? Or is it necessary to open a wider horizon in Political Science, trying to understand the forms of mixed governments, historically constructed since ancient Greco-Roman Age? In this context, the thesis analyzes other important concepts as state sovereignty, nation, and specifically the definition of Islam (rule of God), which is quite decisive in how Egyptians and Turks form their respective societies and their governments.

Can a nation without being an independent state reach democracy? According to some researchers a democratization process cannot happen without having an independent state with control over their own territories. The Kurdish people without a given state are divided between four authoritarian states in the Middle east and in opposite to its neighbors' have Kurds ambition to become democratic always existed. The purpose pf this thesis was to analyze if Iraqi Kurdistan is heading towards democracy and to find what the driving factors behind the democratization process are. The thesis used a qualitative text analysis approach with a complementary case study where the thesis focused on Larry Diamonds internal and external factors as a guiding instrument to determine what political mechanisms have driven Kurds and politicians' transition to democracy and peace. The analysis presented that authoritarian division, authoritarian development, free values, civil society, peaceful pressure and limits of sanctions and aid conditionally drove them. For answering the research problem, is a democratization processes possible for non-independent states? It is possible, Kurds in Iraq have so far accomplished to establish an electoral democracy, and a consolidated democracy is not impossible if legitimacy among politicians are increased and if freedom of expression is uncontrolled by politicians and if corruption decreases.

No description available.

China’s influence is increasing steadily in all corners of the world. One of China’s foreign policy goals is to become a technological superpower by 2025. An important part of that goal is the Digital Silk Road (DSR), a sub-project to China’s massive infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative. The DSR is on one hand contributing to positive technological developments, especially in developing countries. But on the other hand, it has gotten substantial criticism for being a front for spreading China’s digital authoritarian model and for giving authoritarian regimes the tools to effectively repress citizens and violate human rights. The aim of this study is twofold. The first aim is to examine and map out how China might be promoting autocracy through the DSR, this will contribute to a deeper empirical understanding. The second aim is to give a theoretical contribution by categorizing autocracy promotion and testing the value of active and passive autocracy promotion in relation to China and the DSR. To conduct the analysis, I will draw on literature about autocracy promotion and digital authoritarianism. The existing literature is divided on whether or not China is promoting autocracy, and I will thus be arguing that technological advances, and the DSR, makes it problematic to claim that China is not engaged in autocracy promotion. Therefore, I seek to contribute to the existing literature. The results show that China is in fact involved in autocracy promotion through the different DSR projects. It also shows that China’s support, in some cases, have been crucial in providing authoritarian regimes with repressive technologies. The results also indicate that promoting autocracy might not be an outspoken goal or strategy from China, but rather an unintended consequence when trying to reach domestic political and economic goals.

This work proposes a new theory of authoritarian regimes: responsive authoritarianism. Most existing theories of autocracies take as their point of departure elite politics or the state’s repressive apparatus to explain the rise and fall of regimes. I argue that, for many states, regimes also have to consider the consent of the governed when designing policies. Specifically, when regime legitimacy is low but the central leadership maintains a long time horizon, autocratic regimes are predicted to become more responsive to the needs of citizens. This theory is tested against a number of aspects of the Chinese fiscal system dealing with public goods provision during the period of 2002-2011 and generally finds in favor of the theory. Chapter 4 tests the fiscal transfer system, Chapter 5 tests the fiscal expenditure data, and Chapter 6 tests data on the results of the transfer and expenditure data: actual public goods provision. This theory has a number of implications that suggest that scholars begin to rethink how they conceptualize power dynamics within an authoritarian regime, in particular paying closer attention to the relationship between the ruler(s) and the ruled. It suggests that, at least in the political science literature, power be returned to the people.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-12T13:12:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Clécio Ferreira Mendes.pdf: 2647556 bytes, checksum: 6147ed1a42d04e99be10d89fcfa243f7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-12T13:12:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Clécio Ferreira Mendes.pdf: 2647556 bytes, checksum: 6147ed1a42d04e99be10d89fcfa243f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this thesis is to analyze the social function of Direction of National Intelligence, or DINA, agency that centered and organized the repressive apparatus of Chilean dictatorship from 1973 to 1977. In that sense, we sought to comprehend the idealization and the creation of DINA by the Military Joint of Government, under direct command of General Augusto Pinochet. The presented studies reveal that the Chilean dictatorship and DINA institute a wide movement of the right wing authoritarianism and antidemocratic against the social and political changes in course on that context and that they aimed to set up a project of bourgeois autocracy entitled “republic refoundation” and the establishment of a so-called “protected democracy”. The DINA as an unprecedented apparatus until 1974 performed roles beyond repression and suppression of social struggles or against dictatorship resistance. Its mission was the annihilation of the left and Marxism paving the way for the Chilean society standardization on the molds of a capitalist society. To guarantee the imposition of neoliberal reforms that transformed Chile / Este trabalho analisou a função social da Direção de Inteligência Nacional, a DINA, que constituiu a centralização do aparato repressivo da ditadura chilena no período de 1973 a 1977. Por isso, buscou-se compreender a idealização e a criação da DINA pela Junta Militar de Governo, sob comando do ditador General Augusto Pinochet. Os estudos revelaram que a ditadura chilena e a DINA compuseram um movimento amplo da direita autoritária e antidemocrática e que propunha um projeto de autocracia burguesa, intitulado “refundação da república” e o estabelecimento da chamada “democracia protegida”, contra as transformações sociais e políticas em curso naquele contexto. A DINA, um aparato inédito até 1974, exerceu um papel para além da repressão e contenção das lutas sociais e de resistência à ditadura. Tinha como missão o extermínio da esquerda e do marxismo, abrindo caminho para a homogeneização da sociedade chilena nos moldes de uma sociedade capitalista e garantindo a imposição das reformas neoliberais, que transformaram o Chile