This dissertation argues that Protestant Christianity provided the language through which individuals and communities created the political, social, and cultural future of the post-emancipation South. Christian arguments and organizations gave newly emancipated African Americans strong strategies for claiming political and civil rights as citizens and for denouncing racialized violence. Yet simultaneously, white southerners’ Christian claims, based in proslavery theology, created justifications for white supremacist political power and eventually for segregation. This project presents a new history of the creation of segregation from the hopes and uncertainties of emancipation through a close analysis of the Mississippi River Valley region of Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, and West Tennessee. Religious arguments furnished foundations for the work of building a new South, whether in newly formed African American churches and schools, local political debates, or white supremacist organizing. Studying both African American and white Christians during the years when churches quickly became racially separated allows this work to explain how groups across lines of race and denomination responded to each other’s religious, cultural, and political strategies. This dissertation centers these communities’ theological ideas and religious narratives within a critical analysis of race, gender, and political power. Analyzing theology as the intellectual domain of non-elites as well as those in power allows me to demonstrate the ways that religious ideas helped to construct categories of race and gender and to determine who was worthy of civil and political rights. This work draws upon a wide range of archival sources, including previously unexamined material. This dissertation advances several scholarly conversations. It offers the first sustained examination of the life of proslavery theology after emancipation. Rather than presuming that white southern Christians abandoned such arguments after emancipation, this project shows that white Christians reconfigured these claims to create religious justifications for segregation. Within these renegotiated religious claims about social order, African American and white Christians made religious arguments about racial violence, ranging from justifying the violence to arguing that it was antithetical to Christian identity. During the same years, African Americans argued that they deserved civil and political rights both because they were citizens and because they were Christians. This linking of identities as citizens and as Christians provided a vital political strategy in the midst of post-emancipation violence and the uncertain future of African Americans’ rights. Through its five chronologically-structured chapters, this project demonstrates Protestant Christianity’s central role in African American and white southerners’ political lives from the Civil War to the turn of the twentieth century. / Religion, Committee on the Study of

Beginning in 1998, selective colleges began adopting no-loan admissions policies to increase socioeconomic diversity. These colleges, however, get their new diversity from old sources. I show how half of lower-income black undergraduates at elite colleges graduate from boarding, day, and preparatory schools like Exeter and Andover, those whom I call the Privileged Poor, while their peers enter from local, typically troubled public schools—those whom I call the Doubly Disadvantaged (Jack 2014, 2015a). This dissertation draws on in-depth interviews with 103 black, Latino, and white undergraduates and two years of ethnographic observation at pseudonymous Renowned University to explore what sociologists Stevens, Armstrong, and Arum (2008) call, “the experiential core of college life,” the often-overlooked moments between college entry and exit when undergraduates employ different cultural competencies to navigate college and how university policies facilitate this process. Each chapter examines moments of social contact: (1) micro-interactions between peers, (2) engagement between undergraduates and college officials, and (3) undergraduates’ experiences navigating university policies. There are instances where lower social class status is oppressive, but also there are times when cultural resources serve as social buffer to class marginalization. Equally important, I document not only how university practices can exacerbate preexisting inequalities, but also how their effects are unequally distributed. Where the Privileged Poor and Doubly Disadvantaged’s experiences differ, disparate cultural endowments play a larger role in shaping undergraduates’ well-being. Where their experiences align, shared economic disadvantage is more salient. Examining the experiences of those who travel different trajectories to college extends theories of social reproduction and deepens our understanding of both the reproduction of inequality in college and how university policies facilitate these processes. / Sociology

<p> According to Epstein (2010), the interactions and perceptions of the community, educators, students and parents with schools determine the culture and climate of the schools. According to critical race theory, racism has become institutionalized in America&rsquo;s culture. Ogbu (2007) posited that historically, institutional racism in America, enforced by European Americans, has caused the children of enslaved Africans in America to struggle with cultural identity and self-hate. To resist self-hatred some African Americans developed social oppositional behaviors, while others sought to adopt the European American culture that seemed to be built upon social dominance. Yet, African American parental perceptions of school culture/climate have been given little to no serious consideration in education research; leading to possible skewed research outcomes when it comes to understanding African American parents&rsquo; perceptions of their children&rsquo;s schools. This research compared African American parents&rsquo;/guardians&rsquo; perceptions of the culture and climate of successful and failing urban middle schools led by male African American principals to determine if there are significant differences in perceptions between African American parents of successful schools and African American parents of failing schools. This quantitative study used the Culture of Excellence &amp; Ethnics Assessment (CEEA) Parent Survey version 4.5 (Khmelkov, Davidson, Baker, Lickona, &amp; Parisi, 2014) to answer three questions. Research question 1 asked if there were significant differences between African American parents&rsquo; and guardians&rsquo; perceptions of the culture and climate in successful and failing urban middle schools led by male African American principals. The second research question asked if there were significant differences between African American fathers&rsquo;/males&rsquo; perceptions of the culture and climate in successful and failing urban middle schools led by male African American principals. The third research question asked if there were significant differences between African American mothers&rsquo;/females&rsquo; perceptions of the culture and climate in successful and failing urban middle schools led by male African American principals. Twelve African American parents took the survey and were discovered to have significant perceptional differences in the areas of social engagement and positive behavior support at home.</p><p>

Abstract not available.

Cette thèse se penche sur la problématique de l'intégration des jeunes immigrants francophones des pays des Grands Lacs africains (JIFPGLA) dans la vie socioprofessionnelle à Ottawa-Gatineau. L'objectif consiste à explorer l'expérience de ce groupe de jeunes en rapport avec leur intégration dans la société d'accueil. Il s'agit d'examiner comment les éléments du capital humain et social ainsi que d'autres axes discriminatoires s'enchevêtrent pour empêcher ces jeunes immigrants de pénétrer le milieu de l'emploi. Le premier chapitre est consacré à une étude historique, politique et législative de l'immigration canadienne et africaine. Il présente le contexte de l'immigration canadienne entachee par des inégalités qui conduisent à l'exclusion et à la discrimination. Le deuxième chapitre pose la problématique de recherche. Il analyse les caractéristiques de la population immigrante. Il établit le portrait de jeunes immigrants au Canada et celui des immigrants originaires des pays des Grands Lacs africains. Le troisième chapitre concerne le cadre théorique. Il conceptualise les termes qui sous-tendent l'intégration. Il analyse aussi le courant de l'interactionnisme symbolique étudié à travers la pensée de l'École de Chicago. Il s'agit de voir comment les immigrants interagissent et réagissent avec les composantes de la société lorsqu'ils font face aux problèmes d'inégalités liés au capital humain et social ainsi qu'aux dimensions de la construction de frontières ethniques, de l'ethnicité et de l'ethnie. Le quatrième chapitre est consacré à la méthodologie de la recherche. Il propose une méthode qualitative basée sur des entrevues semi-structurées, effectuées auprès d'un échantillon de quinze répondants. Une analyse et une interprétation des données des entrevues, suivies par une brève description de chaque répondant, ont été réalisées. Les chapitres cinq et six comprennent deux volets empiriques du capital humain et social. Le premier répertorié les discriminations et rend compte de leur incidence sur l'intégration. Le deuxième volet met l'emphase sur l'importance des réseaux primaires et secondaires dans le processus d'intégration. La conclusion retrace en amont et en aval les étapes qui ont caractérisé ce travail. Il en résulte qu'au Canada en général et dans la Région d'Ottawa-Gatineau en particulier, la discrimination envers les JIFPGLA existe sous une forme directe ou indirecte. Conséquemment, ces jeunes n'ont pas la même chance d'accès aux emplois comparativement aux jeunes Canadiens de souche1. 1Par Canadien de souche, nous entendons des personnes qui sont installées au Canada depuis de nombreuses générations, à tel point qu'elles ne sont plus considérées comme des immigrants ni des descendants d'immigrants.

Le phénomène migratoire existe depuis la nuit des temps. Même si beaucoup de chercheurs à travers le monde ont fait plusieurs études sur la question de la migration, il reste, certes, un sujet auquel on peut continuer à s'intéresser. Dépendamment de l'auteur(e) et de ce qu'il/elle recherche, la migration peut-être abordée sous différents angles. Dans le cadre de ce travail, nous avons étudié les immigrant(e)s haïtien(ne)s hautement qualifié(e)s et leur insertion sur te caste du travail canadien. D'après le constat que nous avons fait, s'il existe plusieurs études sur cette population immigrante; nous n'avons, cependant, rien trouvé en ce qui concerne ce groupe spécifique. C'est en ce sens que nous avons jugé nécessaire de considérer directement ce groupe d'immigrant(e)s haïtien(ne)s entre au Canada entre 1990 et 2005. La situation de sous-emploi que présentent tes statistiques canadiennes concernant les immigrante haïtien(ne)s est très préoccupante. Elle nous a incité à chercher tout d'abord à savoir si ce groupe qui a constitué notre échantillon fait parti de ceux et celles qui confrontent ce problème de sous-emploi. Notre tâche était aussi d'essayer de comprendre, dans la mesure où c'était le cas, les causes de ce problème. Nous avons, en fait, abouti à la conclusion qu'il existe une disparité entre les immigrant(e)s hautement qualifié(e)s qui sont arrivé(e)s au Canada à partir de la politique d'immigration canadienne pour les immigrant(e)s qualifié(e)s. D'une part, ils/elles sont satisfait(e)s de leur parcours au Canada; ils/elles ont un bon emploi et ont atteint en quelque sorte leurs objectifs. D'autre part, ce sont des gens qui ne sont pas tout à fait satisfaits de leur situation au Canada. Les affaires n'ont pas été selon leurs attentes; ils/elles ont fait des études comme les autres; cependant, ils/elles n'ont même pas pu décrocher un emploi à temps plein. Donc, tout le travail consistait à déterminer les causes du problème de sous-emploi où même de non emploi des gens qualifiés et prêts à travailler. C'est ce qui a été développé tout au long de notre analyse.

Depuis quelques décennies, la science moderne a permis a l'humanité de répondre à plusieurs de ses aspirations les plus profondes. Grâce à ses performances, elle a, certes, réussi à comprendre la vie, son développement et sa dégénérescence. Elle peut meme lui apporter des modifications importantes. Mais, ces diverses maîtrises donnent parfois lieu à des manipulations inquiétantes, qui soulèvent de sérieuses questions, et qui mettent au défi l'éthique chrétienne ou simplement toute culture en tant qu'instance référentielle de base pour la cohésion d'un peuple. C'est ce que vivent l'Afrique, l'Amérique, l'Asie, l'Europe et l'Océanie, même si, dans chacun des cas, l'accent peut etre différent. Pire encore, les recommandations qui sont retenues et les projets de lois qui sont proposés, présentent souvent des divergences d'appréciation et, cela, même a l'intérieur d'une même sphère géographique, culturelle ou politique. Un tel défi exige que l'humanité prenne ses responsabilités, qu'elle trouve des moyens susceptibles de l'aider a assumer de manière responsable ses potentialités, et qu'elle parvienne a s'auto-responsabiliser face au système scientifique et technique dans la mesure ou celui-ci, source de défi, est devenu inévitable en tant que patrimoine de notre monde moderne. Malheureusement, à travers ce qui a été dit pour l'Afrique à ce sujet, la question bioéthique apparait aussi bien comme un luxe pour les riches que comme quelque chose pour lequel l'Afrique---parce que pauvre et compte tenu de son bas niveau d'éducation---n'a aucun moyen de prendre ses responsabilités. Il y a lieu ici de desesperer. Le présent travail est une réflexion fondamentale sur la logique de l'action telle qu'elle peut etre dégagée de l'oeuvre de Jean Ladrière. En cherchant comment assumer de manière responsable les progrès de la science, les pistes proposées dans ce travail permettent de réfléchir de façon pertinente et, aussi, de produire un discours d'espoir face au defi biomédical moderne. Comme discours théologique, la logique de l'action présentée dans ce travail a un double avantage: elle apporte un soutien inesperé au discours de la foi sérieusement éssoufflé par le défi biomédical moderne et, chemin faisant, permet en quelque sorte de le clarifier. En plus, elle offre particulièrement aux négro-africains, confrontés au même défi, une occasion d'espérer. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis examines how high school Canadian history textbooks authorized for use in Ontario from 1945 to the present have represented knowledge about race, racism, and opposition to racism in relation to the nation and national identity. Through a Foucault-informed critical discourse analysis, the thesis documents how racism permeates the taken-for-granted structures of schooling, how the imagined community of Canada is reproduced, and how ideas about the nation, race, racism, and opposition to racism are put into cultural circulation as normalized regimes of truth. My findings can be summarized briefly as follows: (1) Canadian history textbooks continue to circulate the 18th century idea that humanity is divided into sets of biological or naturally occurring races, in spite of it having been recognized for some time that races are social constructions, not facts of nature; (2) Racism has consistently been reduced to irrational, abnormal, extreme, and individualized problems of psychological or moral deficit and represented as either foreign to Canada, isolated incidents within Canada, or part of a distant past and with consequences solely for the racially subjugated; and (3) Opposition to racism has been represented in these textbooks as a state-driven enterprise stressing tolerance of the Other and privileging the idea that racism can be eradicated or stopped wherever it is seen to start. I argue, moreover, that the circulation of this knowledge about race, racism, and opposition to racism helps to prop up particular nationalist mythologies, most notably the myth of Canada as a uniquely tolerant and pluralistic nation-state which has effectively resolved the problem of racism. The effect is to depict Canada as a 'better place to live,' a model for other nations to emulate, and a place with a moral responsibility to uplift apparently inferior places in the world. I conclude by discussing how the institutionalized arrogance necessary to represent Canada as a space of vanquished racism or as a place of antiracist achievement perpetuates mythologies of white settler benevolence as it at once obscures the banal racisms upon which the modern nation-state is built and re-built.

As a political, social, and cultural ideology, Pan-Africanism has been a complex movement attempting to ameliorate the dehumanizing effects of “the global Eurocentric colonial/modern capitalist model of power,” which Anibal Quijano (2000) refers to as “the coloniality of power.” The destructive forces of the coloniality of power—beginning with the transatlantic slave trade—that led to the dispersal and displacement of millions of Africans subsequently facilitated the creation of Pan-African political and cultural consciousness. Thus, this dissertation examines diverse articulations of Pan-African politics of cultural struggle as a response to racist and sexist oppression and economic exploitation of Afro-descendants. I am specifically interested in the formation of international politico-cultural movements, such as the Black Arts movement, Négritude, and the Pan-African Cultural Revolution and their ideological alignments to political liberation struggles for the emancipation of people of African descent. With varying degrees of revolutionary commitment, intellectuals in each of these movements utilized literary and cultural production to raise the political consciousness of Africans and Afro-descendants to combat forces that oppressed their communities. To demonstrate this, my dissertation historicizes and analyzes the numerous Pan-African festivals, congresses, and conferences, which occurred between 1965 and 1977, while interrogating the specific manifestations of “translocal” contacts and linkages between movement intellectuals. I chose to focus on these years because they roughly correspond with the historical time period known as the Black Arts movement in North America (1965-1975), which had a vibrant, yet understudied Pan-African worldview. Moreover, while Pan-Africanism gained considerable traction after World War II, it was particularly between 1966 and 1977 that intellectuals aligned with Négritude and Pan-African Marxism competed for ideological hegemony of the movement on the African continent and in the African Diaspora.

This research examines urban renewal in Clichy-sous-Bois, a suburb of 30,000 inhabitants located in the northeast of Paris. It studies the modalities of spatial racialization, nation building, and subject formation among Afro-French young men living in the city. It also builds on a world-historical perspective to explore the diasporic webs in which the lives of Afro-French are embedded. Taking spatial racialization as a point of entry, the study attempts to understand how governmental strategies and urban policies regulate lives and residential patterns in the city. Three lines of investigation are pursued: 1) an examination of Afro-French racialization and genealogies; 2) an analysis of narratives and struggles of these communities and their impact on neoliberal spaces; 3) an exploration of the various ways spatial governmentality constrains and/or produces Afro-Frenchness. The primary purpose of this ethnographic research is to comprehend the French colonial history and its impact on the racialization of diasporic Afro-French living in metropolitan France. For this end, the study proposes the notion of "Afro-French," an analytical concept that designates a constellation of groups from Sub-Saharan, North African, and Caribbean origins. The term provides a heuristic to comprehend the urban and cultural experiences of diasporic sub-groups who have different but overlapping genealogies. Second, the project helps understand why Afro-French living in Clichy-sous-Bois embody and at the same time transgress official narratives of the nation. It argues that France's nationalism, like other forms of European nationalisms, is facing a contradictory moment in the neoliberal conjuncture. On the one hand, discourses about liberalization of the economy involve the deployment of narratives that celebrate mobility and flexibility. This new dependence on a global neoliberal economy destabilizes national economies and erodes the state's structures. On the other hand, state actors diffuse identitarian and xenophobic discourses that blame ethnic and religious minorities for the socio-economic crisis. Third, the study argues that spatial governmentality and urban strategies enable certain aspects of Afro-Frenchness but constrain others: there is no homogenous or unified logic to regulate lives and spaces in Clichy.