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At the turn of the century, socialist groups of several different hues were active in British Columbia. Out of this variegated skein emerged the Socialist Party of Canada. For almost two decades it dominated left-wing politics in B.C., wielding extensive power in the labour movement and leaving behind it an ideological legacy which eventually filtered into the fledgling CCF. This study documents the conditions which led to the SPC's ascendancy, discusses its relationship with the early labour movement and examines the extent of Marxist influence on later socialist developments in the province. The dissertation employs an historical approach, supplementing library resources with correspondence and interviews with members of the old SPC. When reformist attempts of the late nineteenth century failed to improve conditions for the B.C. worker, labourism lost out to radicalism. The SPC was national in name only, for its doctrinaire Marxism evoked a significant response only in the unique political, industrial and social milieu of British Columbia. The rapid resource exploitation which gave rise to empires early in the province's history created a classical Marxist situation in some areas. The absence of party alignments in the early years of socialist activity, plus a following of radical immigrants from Britain, the U.S., and eastern Canada afforded the Marxists a large audience to which they addressed themselves with tireless propaganda efforts. Many SPC members were active in the labour movement as well, and were able to prevent the formation of a labour party for many years. When other parties finally did form with labour support, they were much farther to the left than were earlier labour parties. In large part this was due to the ambitious education program which characterized the socialist movement from its inception and ultimately became the Marxist's chief raison d'etre. Candidates were run solely for educational purposes. Once elected, however, SPC legislators found themselves in a balance of power position for a time and consequently their legislative accomplishments were considerable. The failure to adapt to Marxist theory to changing B.C. circumstances ultimately cost the Party credibility. Unable to withstand internal pressures or to respond to the political challenges of World War I, inflation, conscription, labour unrest, and the Russian Revolution, the SPC was gradually replaced by other groups on the left. However, the Party's adherence to a one-plank no-compromise platform did preserve the Marxist ideal in the province for later socialist groups. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Generations of Canadians are familiar with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's school radio broadcasts. Agreement between the CBC and the Ministry of Education ensured that the CBC provided the necessary technical arrangements required to air and distribute the broadcasts, while the Ministry of Education agreed to provide the creative component for the programs - script writers, actors and actresses, musicians, and others. The broadcasts came to include music, art, social studies, science, and language arts. This thesis examined the historical development of British Columbia school radio, the shape of the broadcasts themselves, and British Columbia teachers' experiences associated with school radio. This study also examined the experiences of CBC and Ministry of Education personnel who were involved in the production and distribution of British Columbia school radio. Interviews with British Columbia teachers who listened to the broadcasts from 1960-1982, and Ministry of Education and CBC employees whose work brought them in contact with the school radio broadcasts, provided the core evidence for this study. Ministry of Education and CBC employees provided the context for the interviews. Interviews, combined with the Ministry of Education Reports, enabled the re-creation of the experiences associated with British Columbia school radio. Although there were differences amongst classroom eachers' reactions to the programs, there were some striking similarities. On the whole, British Columbia teachers found school radio interesting, informative, and purposeful. School broadcasts allowed teachers a moment to 'catch their breath' when preparation time was not the norm. Interviews with CBC employees revealed more similarities than differences with respect to their experiences. They reported that the broadcasts provided British Columbia schools with educationally sound material. Although CBC personnel did not find the broadcasts professionally challenging, they had fond memories of their association with the programs. Ministry of Education employees interviewed reflected very different opinions relating to their experiences as script writers, producers, directors, performers, and others. Nonetheless, they provided valuable information as to how school broadcasts were put together for pupils and teachers. Changing instructional technology, which included the introduction of a visually stimulating medium such as television, the introduction of audio-visual equipment such as tape-recorders which enabled the delay of broadcasts, and the implementation of a restrictive CBC budget brought the British Columbia school broadcasts to an end in 1982.

Generations of Canadians are familiar with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's school radio broadcasts. Agreement between the CBC and the Ministry of Education ensured that the CBC provided the necessary technical arrangements required to air and distribute the broadcasts, while the Ministry of Education agreed to provide the creative component for the programs - script writers, actors and actresses, musicians, and others. The broadcasts came to include music, art, social studies, science, and language arts. This thesis examined the historical development of British Columbia school radio, the shape of the broadcasts themselves, and British Columbia teachers' experiences associated with school radio. This study also examined the experiences of CBC and Ministry of Education personnel who were involved in the production and distribution of British Columbia school radio. Interviews with British Columbia teachers who listened to the broadcasts from 1960-1982, and Ministry of Education and CBC employees whose work brought them in contact with the school radio broadcasts, provided the core evidence for this study. Ministry of Education and CBC employees provided the context for the interviews. Interviews, combined with the Ministry of Education Reports, enabled the re-creation of the experiences associated with British Columbia school radio. Although there were differences amongst classroom eachers' reactions to the programs, there were some striking similarities. On the whole, British Columbia teachers found school radio interesting, informative, and purposeful. School broadcasts allowed teachers a moment to 'catch their breath' when preparation time was not the norm. Interviews with CBC employees revealed more similarities than differences with respect to their experiences. They reported that the broadcasts provided British Columbia schools with educationally sound material. Although CBC personnel did not find the broadcasts professionally challenging, they had fond memories of their association with the programs. Ministry of Education employees interviewed reflected very different opinions relating to their experiences as script writers, producers, directors, performers, and others. Nonetheless, they provided valuable information as to how school broadcasts were put together for pupils and teachers. Changing instructional technology, which included the introduction of a visually stimulating medium such as television, the introduction of audio-visual equipment such as tape-recorders which enabled the delay of broadcasts, and the implementation of a restrictive CBC budget brought the British Columbia school broadcasts to an end in 1982. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

Conventional academic argument has it that reserve establishment in British Columbia was something which was imposed upon a subjugated, oppressed population. This argument suggests that after eighty years of mutually beneficial socio-economic interaction with Europeans, Natives were suddenly unable to cope with the effects of European settlement. Careful scrutiny of relevant documents from reserve commissions, however, tends to suggest a different interpretation. Although faced with the societal effects of depopulation as a result of epidemic disease, and in spite of restrictions placed upon them by European law and Victorian hegemonic beliefs, Natives were able to maintain their cultural integrity and participate effectively within European systems of power. Although the agenda and objectives of Natives with regard to land were not evident to contemporary Europeans, they are beginning to be seen and understood by historians and other observers.

Problem: With a few notable exceptions, the history of adult education in British Columbia has received relatively little attention. What information there is, is often confined to somewhat narrow time frames, locations, or topics. A general overview of the history of adult education in British Columbia during the 20th century seems to be lacking. This study is a modest attempt to begin adding voice to this important but largely overlooked area. Conceptual Approach: The approach taken is one of historical review. The study, while to some degree quantitative, is much more interested in the qualitative aspects of the material examined. Newspapers, which the author suggests provide a unique historical record, serve as the sole source of data. Methodology: The B.C. Legislative Library Newspaper Index from 1900 -1999 is the source of documents for this study. A thorough reading of all newspaper articles (550+), cited as being related to adult education, was undertaken. Articles were grouped by decade and recorded. Within the decades certain themes were identified and also recorded. Two specific themes (lifelong learning and distance education) received special attention and were examined and recorded separately. Findings: There are a number of reoccurring themes that arise during the period examined. Many of these themes have a direct correlation to issues facing adult education today. These issues include, but are not limited to: • lifelong learning • distance education and related educational technology • duplication of services • libraries and adult education • defining/purpose(s) adult education. Since these and other issues are part of the current discourse about adult education, it seems reasonable that lessons learned/not learned in the past not be forgotten. With the benefit of historical hindsight, which includes sources that are not confined to potentially narrow interests, adult educators may become better informed by considering these issues.

Through the use of oral and written history, this thesis examines forces and factors contributing to key events and defining phases in the history of regional planning in British Columbia. Regional planning, which emerged in BC in the late 1940s in response to the need to address problems related to urban growth in the Lower Mainland, has taken on a number of forms over the past half-century. During this time the regional approach to planning has been introduced as a means of addressing land-use questions and servicing challenges in rural and urban areas, addressing conflicts over resource use and implementing sustainability objectives. This thesis divides regional planning in the province into three main phases. The first phase (1940s to 1970s) is characterized by the introduction of regional planning legislation, regional planning bodies and processes in response to rapid growth and development. The second phase (late 1970s to 1980s) is marked by the rescinding of regional district planning powers and other setbacks to the regional planning system imposed by the government of the day. The third phase (1990s) is a time of rebirth and redefinition of regional planning priorities and processes in the face of increasing challenges related to urban growth and resource management. While some links to exogenous influences are identified, analysis of key themes and trends in BC's regional planning history reveals the major roles the province's geography, economy, system of governance, politics, and the people involved in regional planning processes have played in shaping regional planning policy, process, and practice. Based on this historical review a number of recommendations for future research and direction are proposed.

Conventional academic argument has it that reserve establishment in British Columbia was something which was imposed upon a subjugated, oppressed population. This argument suggests that after eighty years of mutually beneficial socio-economic interaction with Europeans, Natives were suddenly unable to cope with the effects of European settlement. Careful scrutiny of relevant documents from reserve commissions, however, tends to suggest a different interpretation. Although faced with the societal effects of depopulation as a result of epidemic disease, and in spite of restrictions placed upon them by European law and Victorian hegemonic beliefs, Natives were able to maintain their cultural integrity and participate effectively within European systems of power. Although the agenda and objectives of Natives with regard to land were not evident to contemporary Europeans, they are beginning to be seen and understood by historians and other observers. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The period under study is the formative period of working-class political action in this province. The conditions and events of this time form the foundation upon which the Socialist Party of Canada, the Federated Labor Party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and the Labor Progressive Party grew to be important factors in British Columbia affairs. Consideration of this period is therefore highly relevant to any evaluation or assessment of these organizations. The wage-workers of British Columbia began to organize into unions in significant numbers in the 1880's. Being concerned with improving their lot as workers, some of the unionists turned toward the idea of taking class action on the political field in order to obtain favorable legislation. In the economic sphere, the main complaint of the workers during this period was that the many Chinese in the province worked long hours for low wages, and thus tended to lower the living standards of those who had to compete with them. Another complaint with economic as well as political aspects was that much of the land and resources of British Columbia had been alienated to such corporations as the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway. In their political action the workers demanded a solution of these grievances, and in the case of the latter were strongly attracted to the doctrine of "single tax." They also expressed a wish for government-sponsored arbitration and conciliation procedures which would settle labor-management disputes in a peaceful manner. The demands for political reform were occasioned by the use of government in the interests of the wealthy element of the community, and were very much influenced by American and socialist ideas. The basic principle involved was that of “direct democracy”, including the initiative, referendum, and recall, and it persisted throughout the whole period in various forms. The first election to be contested by labor candidates was the provincial election of 1886. Pour candidates ran in Victoria and Nanaimo, and all were defeated. At this time the Knights of Labor was at the peak of its power. The organization soon declined, and its place was occupied in most cases by trade unions. In 1890 the Nanaimo miners' union succeeded in electing two members to the British Columbia legislature. Although these members were unable to carry through any of their own measures, their presence led to the passage of a mechanics' lien law and an arbitration and conciliation act. In 1894 the miners’ candidates were defeated but the Nationalist Party of Vancouver, a labor organization, succeeded in getting Robert Macpherson elected. Although not always strictly a labor representative, Macpherson was generally a protagonist of the cause of labor. In the 1896 federal election the Nationalists also initiated the successful candidature of Rev. George R. Maxwell, who remained in parliament until his death in 1902. In 1898 Nanaimo labor recovered part of the lost ground by electing Ralph Smith to Victoria. Smith changed to the federal field in 1900, was elected, and remained in parliament until 1911. However, he was very closely linked to the Liberal Party, and in 1902 was repudiated by the Nanaimo miners. The 1900 provincial election was the high point of labor political action in this period. Labor Candidates with reform programs appeared in Vancouver and Nanaimo. The Western Federation of Miners in the southern Interior supported non-labor candidates pledged to defend the new eight-hour law for metal-miners. All the W.F.M.-backed candidates and one Nanaimo labor man were elected. This election saw the first appearance of the term "Socialist” as the official designation of a candidate — Will MacClain. The period 1900-1906 witnessed the decline of reformist ”laborism” and the rise of socialism as a political force in the province, culminating in the capture of a Labor Party convention by members of the Socialist Party of Canada. A study of this period has a special relevance to the present political situation in British Columbia. We are now in a time of re-alignment and re-orientation of political forces, the understanding of which demands an appraisal of past political changes. The events and situations recounted and analyzed here, since they are concerned with a period of political experimentation, may afford us useful light on present changes. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This thesis reviews the evolution of British Columbia's provincial housing policy and programs from 1945 to the present. This overview permits the identification of what the periods are, what the major policies and programs have been, and what has changed or remained constant through the years. This overview also provides a broader context within which to eventually assess in greater detail, past and present provincial housing policies and programs. A review of federal housing programs and jurisdictional issues provides the context for provincial housing policy. The forty year time span of is divided into three periods: 1945-1972, 1972-1976 and 1976 to the present. The major forms of housing policy intervention in each period are identified through the review of budget speeches, government documents, annual reports, newspaper clippings, published and unpublished reports and discussion with government officials. This thesis finds that during the last forty years, there has never been a serious challenge to the role of urban land and housing markets by B.C. provincial housing policy makers. The encouragement of homeownership for as many households as possible and housing assistance for senior citizens have also been a major and continuous focus of housing policy since the 1950's. It is probable that the homeownership assistance programs have had, however, only a marginal impact on increasing the rate of homeownership. An active seniors' housing construction program was maintained from 1955 to the late 1970's with the majority of units sponsored by non-profit groups. In 1977, the focus of seniors' housing assistance changed from a construction assistance approach to an income assistance approach. Although the names and details of homeownership and senior citizen housing assistance programs continuously changed, the goals and content of the programs remained essentially the same. In the analysis of housing policy trends it is found that the philosophical position of the provincial government determined its "terms of reference" for housing policy. In the 1945-1972 and 1976-1985 periods, the free enterprise orientation of the governments determined a very narrow role for government housing policy. In the former case, the narrowness of the parameters for housing policy was caused mainly by a belief that housing policy was the responsibility of the federal government, while in the latter case the narrowness was due to a nearly complete reliance on the private sector to provide housing. While the NDP government of the 1972-1976 period had a social democratic orientation, it was still constrained in its ability to effectively deal with housing problems. These constraints included a limited term in office, the emergence of different federal priorities, the lack of financial resources and the resistance within the province to change. It is apparent that these changes in the terms of reference of postwar B.C. housing policy have prevented any chance of a comprehensive and systematic approach to housing problems. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate