The major cities in Canada have been classified in terms of their functional structure in order to develop an overview of the Canadian urban milieu. A quantitative method of classification based on census labour force statistics has been used to identify the functional character of cities. Examination of the traditional techniques of city functional classification reveals that a good quantitative classification scheme must recognize that all cities are multifunctional, that changing city size affects city functional structure, and that urban functions are essentially dichotomous by nature, having distinct "city-serving" and "city-forming" characteristics. Generally the city-serving activities are ubiquitous, being found in almost all centers and usually having relatively constant levels of importance in the functional profiles of cities. In contrast, the city-forming functions appear sporadically in cities and have a great range in the importance they exhibit in city functional structures. This importance ranges from complete domination to no representation at all for some functions. Because city-forming activity reveals the essential functional role of a city, only this activity should be utilized when classifying cities in terms of function. The "minimum requirement" technique as developed by Ullman and Dacey has been used to classify the cities because it conforms most closely to theoretical considerations, using only city-forming activity as the basis of classification and allowing for the effect of changing city size on city functional profiles. In addition it provides for a measure of city functional specialization. The position of an activity in a city's functional profile should be examined on two distinct planes: (1) its importance relative to that of other functions in the city's functional structure, and (2) its importance in the city's functional profile relative to its importance in the functional profiles of all other cities. The activity that occupies the highest position in a city's functional structure—determined by the proportion of city-forming employment in the different functions—is termed the city's "dominant" function. A function that engages an atypically high proportion of a city's city-forming employment in relation to the proportion usually found in the function in most cities is called a "distinctive" function. By determining the dominant and distinctive functions of cities and analyzing the distribution patterns of functional relative importance and city functional specialization, several observations can be made regarding the character of the functional performance of cities. The findings of the classification exercise generally coincide with observations based on qualitative data and with the results of other similar quantitative studies. Trade and manufacturing are the key urban functions both in the city-serving and city-forming profiles of cities. The propensity for functional specialization decreases with increasing city size. City size, however, is not the only factor governing city specialization. Elements such as the importance and kind of manufacturing in the functional profile, and the degree of "isolation" a city experiences are also important factors affecting city specialization. The distribution patterns of relative importance of the key urban activities are extremely uneven and indicate that a fundamental difference in functional performance exists between the cities of the densely populated St. Lawrence Lowlands and southern Ontario—the "heartland"--and the cities of the remaining parts of Canada—the "periphery". Heartland cities are generally more specialized and emphasize manufacturing to a greater degree than do the peripheral cities. The latter, except for a very few resource-oriented manufacturing centers, are quite diversified and are inclined to have an important involvement with functions associated with distance such as wholesale trade and transportation. The Canadian heartland and periphery are geographic realities. They differ in historical, economic, and to some degree, in cultural development. That their cities reflect these differences seems like a reasonable and to-be-expected conclusion. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

The hypothesis: Urban development will be stimulated by introducing rapid transit into a city's structure. Therefore, rapid transit can be used by planners as a tool to control and implement predetermined development of varying natures within the city. Chapter 1 discusses the role which transportation in general can play in changing the city. It is examined as a changing technology, as a cause of centralization and decentralization, and as a theory explaining urban structure. Chapter 2 begins by discussing theory of rapid transit planning after which three case studies are presented — Chicago, Cleveland, and Toronto. Each of these cities has been chosen to illustrate different rapid transit planning approaches. Chicago represents a system oriented to the central city; Cleveland represents a system oriented to the suburbs; and Toronto represents a new system oriented to the central city but expanding into suburban areas. Chapter 3 applies the theory and case study information to Vancouver, three theoretical rapid transit stations are proposed. Nanaimo-Hastings represents the impact rapid transit has upon a neighborhood of older homes adjacent to a high-quality commercial shopping strip. Main-Hastings/Pender (Chinatown-Strathcona) represents the relationship of rapid transit to the edge of the core area and to urban renewal. Georgia-Granville represents the integration of rapid transit in the core. In each case the effects upon adjacent land use are postulated. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The complexity, pervasiveness and urgency of the social and biophysical problems now confronting mankind present planners and decision makers at all levels of human organization with monumental challenges. Undoubtedly some of the most challenging problems are those associated with the process of urbanization and the city itself. Indeed, it could be argued that many of our social and biophysical problems are related to mankind's persistent congregation in relatively small geographical areas. This tends to concentrate and intensify problems considerably, causing such basic and simple activities as the provision of one's own food to become an extremely complex problem, involving vast and interdependent networks of factors such as transportation, economics, waste disposal, etc. These are the problems that currently perplex urban decision-makers. In order to deal effectively with our mounting urban problems, individuals must be both knowledgeable about the city and sensitive to its attributes and its problems. But even more important, they must be capable of addressing these problems in an open-minded, intelligent and dynamic manner. They must not be bound by the worn out prescriptions and piecemeal approaches that have characterized past environmental problem solving. It is this last ability, which I shall refer to as ‘creative problem solving', that is most often neglected at all levels of education. And it is this ability which concerns me here. I believe that properly designed and implemented programs of urban-oriented problem solving are of tremendous importance in the education of professionals and the citizenry at large, to prepare them for their respective roles as urban decision-makers. While the actual design of such programs would vary depending of the age level and career goals of those for whom they are intended, I believe that the basic concepts involved in an understanding of the city and the educational approach whereby these may be imparted, would be much the same regardless of the context. I have therefore attempted to develop in this thesis, a conceptual framework for programs of urban-oriented problem solving. From the volumes of work on problem solving, creativity and education, I have crystallized an educational approach to creative problem solving which is based on the phases of the creative problem solving process itself. Each phase is discussed with reference to the major abilities required by the individual during that phase, and the educational methods whereby those abilities might best be developed. The applications of these methods to urban problem solving are illustrated by numerous suggestions for activities and exercises which involve specific urban concepts, such as transportation, communication and urban growth. I have generally addressed myself, in these suggestions, to a secondary school level of education. However, it should not be difficult for an experienced teacher to adapt the ideas presented to either lower of higher levels of education. It is hoped that these ideas will generate increased ideation and activity at all levels of education, and in particular at the university level, where tomorrow's urban decision makers are now enrolled in schools of Planning, Architecture, and Environmental Design. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Decentralisation of the cities throughout the world linked with the added mobility of the community due to the automobile has resulted in the phenomenal growth of the old satellite villages which were normally located at transportation nodes. To these new growth points must be added the true regional shopping centre set in the country and surrounded by its sea of parked vehicles. The regional centre has, as yet, not developed in South Africa but the phenomenon of decentralisation has stimulated the growth in certain of the old established local shopping areas surrounding the larger cities.

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