Oggetto della tesi è l'attività scientifica e didattica di Aristide Calderini (1883-1968), studioso di antichità classiche, papirologo, epigrafista, archeologo, fondatore e direttore di associazioni culturali e riviste, divulgatore della cultura classica. Sulla base del copioso archivio personale, del quale si è operato il riordinamento e si forniscono l'inventario e l'indice della corrispondenza, si ricostruisce un intenso e fecondo percorso culturale, sottolineandone i valori ispiratori e gli obiettivi raggiunti. Le molteplici relazioni dello studioso con importanti personalità e istituzioni contemporanee permettono di tracciare un affresco della realtà culturale lombarda durante sei decadi del Novecento. / This thesis is devoted to the scientific and didactic work of Aristide Calderini (1883-1968). Calderini was a scholar of the Classics, namely papyrologist, archaeologist and epigraphist. He was the founder and director of many cultural societies and journals and a populariser of ancient Roman and Greek culture. The main source of material for this research was Calderini's own copious personal archive, which has been reorganized by the author of this dissertation, resulting in a detailed inventory and the index of his letters. From these documents it is possible to follow the intense and fruitful cultural route of Calderini, perceive his inspiring principles and appreciate the results of his work. Moreover, from the study of his letters, it is possible to reconstruct Calderini's multiple connections with important personages and institutions of his time, disclosing an interesting overview, spanning six full decades of the 20th century, of the cultural milieu in Lombardy.

本論文的撰寫基於一個前設：緯書之出現，本非為釋經而生；並以此為基礎，析論經、緯關係，及其衍生之政治相關議題。傳統見解中，認為緯書的出現乃經學之附生產品，緯書的內容，係為釋經、而附以其政治任務而生。本文並無意挑戰緯書乃政治鬥爭產物之觀點，只是要說緯書乃因釋經而生，則不符西漢的儒學發展演變。 / 儒學世界中，真正為經學附庸者，乃章句而非緯學。任何事物的出現，必然有其偶然與必然性，撇除難以探討的偶然性問題，若說緯學乃出自釋經所需，則其將缺乏形成的必然性；因為自宣帝、元帝間始，儒學各經派對自身經書的章句之學已進入高速發展期，以萬字釋一言乃師法之內的家常之事，緯學若然是釋經之作，則其出現實屬多餘。 / 本文認為，緯學係作為博士經學、古學以外出現的第三道政治學術主流。經學上的博士經學體系，雖然系出董仲舒，難免沾染災異之說，但五經之中，除了後成的《禮記》，大體上仍然保持其「純潔」，緯學的出現，乃為對政治混局預占之所需，配合董氏以來齊學的災異傳統而發展起來的獨立學派，此即張禹口中的「新學」。必須重新評估新學的獨立性，方能掌握白虎觀後，緯學、博士經學、古學三川並流的學術「定局」。 / 所以，本文將主要分為兩大部分，第一部分包含第一及第二章，主要探討形成博士經學體系、古學體系與緯學體系的學術歷史環境；因為經學史的演進部分，研究已汗牛充棟，本文集中討論的是形成這個政治學術環境的背境因素。 / 第二部分包含第三及第四章，主要探討緯學在兩漢之際的儒學體系中的角色。東漢中前期形成三學並立的局面，源起成帝對新學的提拔，此新學本文稱為成哀新學，其除對齊學傳統的災異之說有所繼承外，更係對西漢一代可資運用的「一切資源」加以包納，形成一個「百科全書」式的學派綱目。基於王莽與劉秀對新學的「神化」，令其成為「儒教」在兩漢之際實踐神道設教的核心，地位更凌駕於博士經系之上。本部分即對此現象之形成加以綜述。 / 簡單而言，本文將視「博士經學」「古學經學」「緯學」為漢代儒學中的三個重要組成部分，而儒學思想，則作為三者溝通、乃至相互影響的橋樑；不過，此橋樑本身，亦係三者之體系形成過程中，方始形成的觀念；換言之，本文旨在透過理解此體系之形成，以釐清漢代儒學發展中的部分關鍵。 / To exmaine the development of Ru learning in early Han Dynasty through the study of its formation process has so far received relatively less attention, as scholars mostly took it for granted that Ru classics were mostly formed during the Warring States. However, the Ru classics as we know today had simply not yet been compiled in early Han, but fragmented pieces of allegedly writings of ancient authors, with ample rooms for further and necessary intreptation. In other words, without the deconstruction, and reconstruction, of the Han Confucians, the concept of Classics (jing) would only remain empty. This thesis, thus, would focus on how and why Ru classics were constructed. / The first chapter provides a brief history on the formation and changes of the Five Classics, together with an introduction of the background of the Han intellectual world at its very beginning; as well as an analysis of the ways that the Central government and different localities interacted in order to facilitate the initial stage of Han Ru development. / The second chapter will study the formative years of Ru participation in Han politics, and suggest that it started as early as Wendi 文帝while it was traditionally thought to be the great achievement of Wudi 武帝. The chapter will demonstrate how Wendi and Jingdi 景帝struggled to promote Ru learnings during their rules. And thus the chapter would lead to the conclusion that Wudi’s policy of exclusive promotion of Ru was nothing more than the legacy of his father and grandfather. Nevertheless, this chapter will make a further inquiry into this formative period through the study of New Book 賈誼《新書》to illustrate its characterisitcs. Following that, a section on the “Qi tradition齊學of Han Ru will be introduced and its unique and important role in the Ru system will be emphasized by examining the development of Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 and his works on the Gongyang traditions 公羊學. The chapter concludes the formative era by discussing the book of Yantieyuan《鹽鐵論》 to show that the basic ideas and structure of the Ru system was a quasi-established one immediately after the ruling years of Wudi. Core principles made up by the majority faction in Qixue will rule in the names of Jing 經, Chang 常 and suppress principles of Quan 權, Bian 變 found in Wudi’s rules. / The third chapter, instead of focusing on the ideological and intellectual changes, deals with how real-politik exerted its great influence on the stabilizing period. The once forgotten Quan-Bian faction rose again during this late Western-Han period as a result of fierece political struggles among different parties alongside with the ideological disuptues between the Jinwen and Guwen schools. The chapter will try to foster a new concept under the term of Cheng-Ai Neoism to illustrate the uprising of the studies of Chen Prophecy and Apocrypha as a result of Qixue traditions and political turmoil. / The last chapter will supplement the previous chapters by introducing the origins of Apocrypha and how its development affected the construction and development of Ru Classics and how it was applied in real-politik. The chapter would also like to argue that without Apocrypha, the so-called Ru system would not be a matured one through the studies of Bangu’s Baihu-tongyi. And the chapter would conclude the thesis by stating that with the matured development in both Classics and Apocrypha, the systematic construction of Han Ru system was finally established as a result. / To conclude, this thesis aims to examine different stages of development that finally led to the formation of Han Ru system which affected the intellectual and political development of Han and post-Han dynasties. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙鍾維. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-215). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhao Zhongwei. / Chapter 緒論： --- 前人研究與討論空間 --- p.V / Chapter 壹、 --- 總論：秦火之後的齊學世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 先秦無經學 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 經學觀念形成於漢武帝朝 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 由殘簡至經學 --- p.9 / Chapter 4. --- 先秦下層思想於漢初的「逆向上流」 --- p.41 / Chapter 5. --- 地方與中央構建 --- p.49 / Chapter 貳、 --- 中央政治與齊經學構建 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 漢初用儒 --- p.58 / Chapter 2. --- 漢武尊儒 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鹽鐵會議 --- p.100 / Chapter 參、 --- 齊儒治世與成哀新學 --- p.112 / Chapter 1. --- 甘露論儒 --- p.112 / Chapter 2. --- 漢季禮爭：博士經與王氏始交 --- p.116 / Chapter 3. --- 河平校書 --- p.120 / Chapter 4. --- 移書讓太常博士 --- p.124 / Chapter 5. --- 成哀新學 --- p.126 / Chapter 6. --- 王莽與漢晚儒學 --- p.128 / Chapter 肆、 --- 讖緯體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 1. --- 緯學體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 2. --- 緯學發展簡論 --- p.151 / Chapter 3. --- 讖緯干政 --- p.158 / Chapter 4. --- 讖緯干經 --- p.182 / Chapter 5. --- 經緯平議 --- p.185 / Chapter 6. --- 白虎通論 --- p.195 / Chapter 伍、 --- 結論 --- p.202 / p.204

林麗玲. / "2011年8月". / "2011 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 278-281). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Lin Liling. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.頁1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 《苟子》與先秦典籍之關係述略及研究方法 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論諸子述略 --- p.頁2 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》與先秦文獻之關係述略 --- p.頁5 / Chapter 三、 --- 研究方法一從詞彙角度研究古代文獻 --- p.頁11 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《荀子》、《墨子》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論《墨子》之研究回顧 --- p.頁15 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》沿用《墨子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁17 / Chapter 三、 --- 《荀子》詮釋《墨子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁23 / Chapter 四、 --- 《荀子》沿用《墨子》詞彙並論《墨子》相關論說新證 --- p.頁30 / Chapter 五、 --- 《荀子》評論《墨子》所述事例新證 --- p.頁45 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論 --- p.頁47 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《荀子》、《孟子》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論《孟子》之研究回顧 --- p.頁48 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》沿用《孟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁51 / Chapter 三、 --- 《苟子》誇釋《孟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁60 / Chapter 四、 --- 《荀子》評論《孟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁68 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.頁77 / Chapter 第五章 --- 《苟子》與《老》、《莊》關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》評論《老》、《莊》之研究回顧 --- p.頁78 / Chapter 二、 --- 《荀子》採《老》、《莊》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁82 / Chapter 三、 --- 《荀子》採《老》、《莊》詞彙而駁其論說舉隅 --- p.頁98 / Chapter 四、 --- 《荀子》論《老》、《莊》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁108 / Chapter 五、 --- 《老子》河上公注採《苟子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁112 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論 --- p.頁117 / Chapter 第六章 --- 《荀子》、《韓非子》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》、《韓非子》二書關係研究回顧 --- p.頁119 / Chapter 二、 --- 《韓非子》沿用《苟子》相關詞彙闡明學說 --- p.頁121 / Chapter 三、 --- 《韓非子》沿用《荀子》詞彙並賦予新義 --- p.頁131 / Chapter 四、 --- 《韓非子》學說有違《荀子》義理 --- p.頁142 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.頁157 / Chapter 第七章 --- 《荀子》、《呂氏春秋》二書關係重探 / Chapter 一、 --- 《荀子》、《呂氏春秋》二書關係研究回顧 --- p.頁159 / Chapter 二、 --- 《呂氏春秋》沿用《荀子》詞彙舉隅 --- p.頁161 / Chapter 三、 --- 《呂覽》用《荀》詞並賦予新義 --- p.頁176 / Chapter 四、 --- 《呂覽》採用《荀》詞以闡述他義 --- p.頁178 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.頁188 / Chapter 第八章 --- 總結 --- p.頁190 / Chapter 附錄一、 --- 《荀子》、《墨子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁195 / Chapter 附錄二、 --- 《荀子》、《孟子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁209 / Chapter 附錄三、 --- 《荀子》、《老子》、《莊子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁225 / Chapter 附錄四、 --- 《荀子》、《韓非子》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁242 / Chapter 附錄五、 --- 《荀子》、《呂氏春秋》相合詞彙附表 --- p.頁265 / 參考書目 --- p.頁278

《隋書》及《北史》皆云南北朝經學「章句好尚，互有不同」，又述南北異同云：「江左《周易》則王輔嗣，《尚書》則孔安國，《左傳》則杜元凱。河、洛《左傳》則服子慎，《尚書》、《周易》則鄭康成。《詩》則並主於毛公，《禮》則同遵於鄭氏。」歷來論南北經學流派者，莫不以此文為據。學者或以為南北經學之好尚，《隋書》、《北史》「數言盡之」（皮錫瑞語），即謂同則趨同，異則迥異，涇渭分明。亦有學者不作絶對之論，稱南朝不無宗鄭玄者，北朝猶有習偽孔者。持此論者之所據，多為南北各朝史傳、《經典釋文》、《隋書》所載南北諸經立學、門戶承傳之概況，惟史料零碎，且個別細節語焉不詳。同時，學界不乏以輯本南北朝經學佚書鑽研經學史者，惜輯本內容佔原書幾何，不甚明確，貿然藉此立論，恐失之武斷。 / 目前，藉南北朝傳世文獻研究時人對諸經注解之好尚，暫未一見，本文以為研治南北經學好尚問題，當可在此着墨。南北朝傳世古注之具名引用諸經注解者，有南人裴松之《三國志注》、裴駰《史記集解》、劉孝標《世說新語注》、皇侃《論語義疏》，以及北人酈道元《水經注》五種。鑑於南北對於《周易》、《尚書》、《左傳》、《論語》四經注解之好尚差異最大，故本文旨在考覈上述傳世古注所引四經注解，以探求前列南北注家五人對經注之好尚，從而疏理南北朝南北經學之沿革，以為經學史研究開一嶄新門徑。 / 本文共分八章。第一章回顧南北朝南北經學好尚之研究步伐，並提出藉用南北朝傳世古注所引諸經注解為探討此問題之新方向。第二章略述南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色，以鉤其引書之概念。第三至第六章，則逐一考索南北朝傳世古注所引《周易》、《尚書》、《春秋左傳》、《論語》四經注解，並議論南北經學沿革相關問題。第七章專講徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》。徐《疏》舊題唐代，惟清代以降，學者或以為北朝之書，又或以為其書並非一時之作，而終成於唐，各具實據。無論如何，本文不排除徐《疏》包羅北朝經解成分，故設專章考述其引用以上四經注解之情況，以為餘論。卒章總結全文。 / According to Suishu隋書 and Beishi北史, the Southern and Northern Dynasties favored respectively different interpretations of the Confucian Classics (jing經). Taking Shangshu尚書 as an example, Zheng Xuan鄭玄’s annotation was preferred in the North, whereas the annotation with its authorship assigned to Kong An’guo孔安國 was preferred in the South. To study the divisions of jingxue經學 during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, reviewers have constantly regarded the above statement as a foundation. Some of them, such as Pi Xirui皮錫瑞, believed that Suishu and Beishi had precisely concluded the trend of orthodoxy, as coherent comments on jingxue can be observed respectively within the Southern and Northern Dynasties. However certain counterexamples exist, for instance, Zheng’s commentary was adopted in the South, whereas Kong’s annotation was also studied in the North. Dissenters’ arguments mainly based on the official history of the South and the North. Alternative sources include Jingdian Shiwen經典釋文, Suishu and the recovered texts (jiyishu輯佚書) of the related period, with the latter being piecemeal and incomprehensive. Nevertheless, few studies have succeeded investigating the interpretations of jing at that time with the aid of the transmitted notes (zhu注) of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, namely Sanguozhi Zhu三國志注, Shiji Jijie史記集解, Shishuo Xinyu Zhu世說新語注, Lunyü Yishu論語義疏 and Shuijing Zhu水經注, which serves as alternative corpora. Through a close examination of the notes’ citation, this thesis aims at investigating coexisting evaluations towards various notes of jing, as well as articulating jingxue’s development throughout that period. / This thesis comprises eight chapters. The first chapter reviews past studies and the inadequacy therein, declaring the transmitted notes of the Southern and Northern Dynasties as an alternative source for research. Chapter Two summarizes the rules of the citations of commentaries on Classics found in the transmitted notes above. Details for those of Zhouyi周易, Shangshu, Zuozhuan左傳 and Lunyü論語 are presented with analysis in the next four chapters respectively. Chapter Seven looks into the commentaries on the four Classics cited in Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan Shu春秋公羊傳疏, which to a certain extent shows the scholars’ preferences in the North due to the multiplicity of authorship. The final chapter serves as a conclusion. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 伍尚俊. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-308). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wu Shangjun. / 凡例 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 南北朝經學好尚研究之回顧暨新方向之提出 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 目前南北朝經學好尚相關研究成果述要 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 概說南北經學好尚研究之新方向──南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色述略 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.15 / Chapter 第四節 --- 皇侃《論語義疏》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《周易》注解考辨 --- p.22 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《周易》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.22 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《周易》注解獨取魏晉說考 --- p.30 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.33 / Chapter 第四章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《尚書》注解考辨 --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.37 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.47 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《尚書》注解-分別獨取《偽孔傳》及鄭玄注叢考 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.110 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.123 / Chapter 第五章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《春秋左傳》注解考辨 --- p.132 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.132 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.132 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.134 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《左傳》注解-獨取杜預注叢考 --- p.160 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.166 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.180 / Chapter 第六章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《論語》注解考辨 --- p.189 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.189 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《論語》注解兼用何晏、江熙二家《集解》考 --- p.189 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《論語》注解用何晏《集解》考 --- p.229 / Chapter 第四節 --- 南北朝傳世古注引漢魏晉《論語》注解好尚之異同及其原因 --- p.241 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結語 --- p.244 / Chapter 第七章 --- 徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》引諸經注解考辨 --- p.249 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.249 / Chapter 第二節 --- 徐《疏》引《周易》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.250 / Chapter 第三節 --- 徐《疏》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.262 / Chapter 第四節 --- 徐《疏》引《春秋左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.267 / Chapter 第五節 --- 徐《疏》引《論語》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.280 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.283 / 總結 --- p.287 / 參考文獻 --- p.291

伍俊丞. / "2010年9月". / "2010 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 651-666). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wu Juncheng. / 提要 --- p.i / 凡例 --- p.iv / 前言 --- p.v / 目錄 --- p.vi / Chapter 第一章 --- 王符之生平 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符之鄉里 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之志節 --- p.15 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符之仕宦 --- p.20 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之交遊 --- p.23 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之生卒 --- p.30 / Chapter 第六節 --- 王符之著述 --- p.35 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.42 / Chapter 第二章 --- 東漢經學概況 --- p.43 / Chapter 第一節 --- 東漢經學以古文為宗 --- p.45 / Chapter 第二節 --- 東漢經生著重家法 --- p.48 / Chapter 第三節 --- 東漢讖緯學之興盛 --- p.50 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.53 / Chapter 第三章 --- 王符之《周易》學 --- p.54 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《周易》學概況 --- p.56 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《周易》學源流 --- p.65 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《周易》特點 --- p.95 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之《周易》學思想 --- p.106 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符於京房《周易》學之取捨 --- p.120 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《周易》於王符經學之地位 --- p.135 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.142 / 附錄一王符引《易》源流待考條目 --- p.143 / 附錄二王符引《易》稱謂彙錄 --- p.161 / Chapter 第四章 --- 王符之《尚書》學 --- p.165 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《尚書》學概況 --- p.167 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《尚書》學源流 --- p.176 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引佚《書》 --- p.204 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《尚書》特點 --- p.212 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之《尚書》學思想 --- p.220 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《尚書》於王符經學之地位 --- p.230 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.238 / 附錄一王符引《書》源流待考條目 --- p.239 / 附錄二王符引《書》稱謂彙錄 --- p.250 / Chapter 第五章 --- 王符之《詩經》學 --- p.254 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《詩經》學概況 --- p.256 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《詩經》學源流 --- p.265 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《詩經》特點 --- p.302 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之《詩經》學思想 --- p.312 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《詩經》於王符經學之地位 --- p.321 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.328 / 附錄一王符引《詩》源流待考條目 --- p.329 / 附錄二王符引《詩》稱謂彙錄 --- p.362 / Chapter 第六章 --- 王符之三《禮》學 --- p.369 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代三《禮》學概況 --- p.371 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之三《禮》學源流 --- p.378 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引三《禮》特點 --- p.388 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符思想於荀學之承繼 --- p.395 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《潛夫論》之思想學派爭議 --- p.401 / Chapter 第六節 --- 三《禮》於王符經學之地位 --- p.410 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.414 / Chapter 第七章 --- 王符之《春秋》學 --- p.415 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《春秋》學概況 --- p.417 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《春秋》學源流 --- p.427 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《國語》 --- p.493 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《春秋》特點 --- p.517 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之《春秋》學思想 --- p.526 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《春秋》於王符經學之地位 --- p.533 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.537 / 附錄一王符引《春秋》源流待考條目 --- p.538 / 附錄二王符引《春秋》稱謂彙錄 --- p.542 / Chapter 第八章 --- 王符之《論語》學 --- p.545 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《論言》學概況 --- p.547 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《論語》 --- p.555 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《論語》之相關問題 --- p.580 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.583 / 附錄王符徵引《論語》稱謂彙錄 --- p.584 / Chapter 第九章 --- 王符之《孝經》學 --- p.587 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《孝經》學概況 --- p.589 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《孝經》 --- p.595 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《孝經》之相關問題 --- p.599 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.601 / Chapter 第十章 --- 王符於緯書之取態 --- p.602 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引緯書 --- p.604 / Chapter 第二節 --- 緯書於王符經學之地位 --- p.615 / Chapter 第三節 --- 結語 --- p.619 / Chapter 第十一章 --- 餘論 --- p.620 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符論諸經之作者 --- p.622 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符經學之今古文取向 --- p.628 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符以經論政 --- p.635 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符經學於後世之影響 --- p.642 / Chapter 第十二章 --- 總結 --- p.647 / 參考書目及論文 --- p.651

An exploration of Harriet Beecher Stowe's The Minister's Wooing as viewed through the lens of performance studies and domesticity. Previous tales of fallen women, both in novels and operatic form, deprived the coquette of the agency to change her societally determined route of personal destruction as previously shown in the studies of Catherine Clément. Stowe's unique tale of a French coquette overturns the typical plot of the fallen woman, as demonstrated in Hannah Webster Foster's The Coquette, by giving the coquette agency to redeem herself through key performative, domestic and, according to Judith Butler, transformative acts. Such treatment of this character made Stowe a forerunner in sexual equality.

Minerva Teichert (1888-1976) was a twentieth-century American artist, who spent most of her life residing in remote towns in the West, earnestly balancing the demands of family and ranching, and painting scenes of her beloved Western frontier. Her steady and significant production of art is remarkable for any artist, and particularly compelling when one considers her time constraints, inaccessibility of art supplies, distance from other artists and art centers, and lack of public attention. The success of women artists during the first half of the twentieth-century was dependent not only upon their artistic aptitude, but also upon external forces, such as family, friends, and mentors. As an artist during this era, Teichert benefitted especially from the circles of women who surrounded her, offering sympathy, encouragement, assistance, a ready network of support, and who enabled her to pursue her passion, which she succinctly described, “I must paint.” This thesis employs a methodological framework informed by feminist, collective conscience, and social network theories in order to elucidate an artist's vision that transcends feminist viewpoints and western heroic individualism. The reality of female networks in Teichert's life translates not only to the certainty of women within a Western mythology dominated by men but also to a powerful counter-narrative where collaboration and community are essential to the success of settlements in the American West. Here Teichert introduces an altogether different vision and story. In her pioneer paintings, composed during the 1930s and 1940s, one sees a reflection of her own life, and that of her pioneer ancestors, which emphasizes the feminine, the importance of collaboration, and the centrality of community.

Beginning with the first European colonists in the New World, captivity has been means of cultural exchange between whites and Native Americans. The narratives recounting the captives’ experiences became popular literature which inspired visual artists who reinterpreted the tales to coincide with their cultural needs. In the early twentieth century, progressive reformer, William Pryor Letchworth, hired artist Henry Kirke Bush-Brown to create a sculpture of captive Mary Jemison who, instead of returning to her natal culture, chose to stay among the Seneca becoming fully assimilated. Aligning with their progressive values, their perception of her character is reflected in the Mary Jemison Monument. The monument creates an image of the ideal woman, immigrant, and Native American who holds and practices white middle-class values of strength, independence, and determination. Exemplifying these American values, the sculpture accesses an American identity emphasizing the acceptance and practice of these supposedly American traits. Immigrants and Native Americans could become fully Americanized by adopting these characteristics and leaving their traditional ways behind. Contingent on their assimilation of white middle-class values, the perceived problems facing a diversified society could be eliminated. In so doing, a more harmonious America aligning with Letchworth’s beliefs could be created.

The seaport of Bombay is often referred to as India's "Gothic City." Reminders of British colonial rule are seen throughout South Bombay in its Victorian architecture and sculpture. In the heart of Bombay lies the Victoria Terminus, a towering, hybrid railway station blending gothic and vernacular architectures. Built at the height of the British Empire, the terminus is evidence of the rapid modernization of Bombay through the philanthropy of the Parsis. This religious and ethnic minority became quick allies to the British Raj; their generous donations funded the construction of the "Gothic City." The British viewed the Parsis as their peers, not the colonized. However, Parsi-funded architectural ornament reveals that they saw themselves on equal footing with Bombay's indigenous populations. The Parsis sought to integrate Indian and British art, design, and culture. Through their arts patronage they created an artistic heritage unique to Bombay, as seen in the architectural crown of Bombay, the Victoria Terminus.The Parsi philanthropist, Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy was the most influential in Bombay's modern art world. He was chosen with other Indian elites to serve on the selection committee for the Great Exhibition of 1851 in London. He selected India's finest works to demonstrate India's rich tradition of the decorative arts. In turn, these works were viewed within the Indian Pavilion by the Victorian public and design reformer Owen Jones. Jones used many of the objects at the India Pavilion in his design book, The Grammar of Ornament. This book went on to inspire the eclectic architectural ornament of Victorian Britain and eventually Bombay. Jeejeebhoy sold the majority of the works from the exhibition to the Victorian and Albert Museum and the Department of Sciences and Art in South Kensington. The objects were studied by design students in South Kensington who were later hired by Jeejeebhoy to be instructors at the Bombay School of Art. This school taught academic European art alongside traditional Indian design forthe purpose of creating public art works. Thus, the Parsis were important cultural mediators who funded British and Indian craftsmen to create symbols of "progress," such as the Victoria Terminus, for a modern India.

本論文旨在透過對《唐律疏議》的爬梳，以抽絲剝繭的方式，將其中的經學思維抽繹出來，以便說明傳統中國經學對律學實質性的影響。儒家學說自漢代以來，即成為中國文化的主流思想，儒家經典成為歷代學者關注的焦點，經學波瀾壯闊地發展，對中國文化的影響既深且鉅，從思想學術到現實生活等各個層面，都受到經學深刻的影響。在此種情形之下，中國傳統法律同樣也受到經學深遠的影響，透過經學以了解掌握中國傳統法律的深層結構，自然是一個相當值得研究的視角。 蓋從經學立場出發，考察經學與律學在歷史長河中，相摩相盪、互動牽引的實況，必然有助於完整呈現傳統律學的面貌，同時更拓展了經學研究的範圍，進而可以了解經學與律學在歷史的縱深發展脈絡裏的流變衍嬗。唐代，經學對律學的影響在中國傳統法律史上達到高峰，《唐律疏議》緊密地綰合經學與律學，具體地反映出經學對律學發展的深刻影響。雖然《唐律疏議》的研究成果豐碩，其中論及《唐律疏議》與「經學」關係密切者也不在少數，但或許是作者的研究重心不在於此，故而多半僅以提點若干重要面相為限，並未見有深入發掘經學對律學影響的企圖，因此迄今仍未見有以「經學」為視角研究探討《唐律疏議》的專著，本論文於是以《唐律疏議》為對象，進行「經學」與「律學」相關性的研究。 　　本論文分七章：第一章〈緒論〉，說明論文整個思考方向，包括：研究的問題意識、研究的對象與範圍、研究成果的回顧與反思、研究方法與進路。第二章〈經律交會的開端及其發展〉、第三章〈《唐律疏議》綰合經律的外緣考察〉，前者對經學與律學的關係做一縱向歷史性的探討與分析，後者則對《唐律疏議》綰合經學與律學的外緣背景加以考察，此兩章有助於我們後設反省《唐律疏議》中經學對律學的影響之所以達到高峰的原因。第四章〈《唐律疏議》的終極依據──「天」〉，「天」是中國經學思想的核心命題與理論基礎，《唐律疏議》的終極依據即是「天」，重視刑罰與天道相應相契的微妙連結，以求達到順天應時的理想境界。第五章〈《唐律疏議》的婚姻規範〉、第六章〈《唐律疏議》的親屬關係〉、第七章〈《唐律疏議》的君臣分際〉，則是本論文對於《唐律疏議》直接的分析與考察，分別按單元主題的論述方式，系統化架構出「婚姻」、「親屬」、「君臣」等主題，思考的進路由形而上向形而下具體地落實，考察《唐律疏議》與儒家經典一致之處，審視儒家經典對《唐律疏議》的影響。第八章〈結論〉，則是對本論文的研究成果簡要地加以說明。本研究將證實經學對律學有著極為深刻的影響。 / Confucianism has been a main stream since the Han Dynasty. Because of it, Confucian Classics has been deeply investigated and discussed by the following researchers. Confucian Classics has not only widely influenced on Chinese culture, but also affect on traditional Chinese law. Based on this premise, “Tang Ley Su Yi” which has been characterized as “the merging classics in jurisprudence”, is definitely worthy of our thorough research. The main focus of this thesis is to find out the thinking of the Classics in “Tang Ley Su Yi” and explain the virtual relationship of “the effect of classics on jurisprudence” in China. Although there are many existing studies investigated in “Tang Ley Su Yi”, few were focused on the perspective of classics. The viewpoint of “the effect of classics on jurisprudence” will be a unique approach in the academic community. If we evaluate the “the relationship between classics and jurisprudence” from the perspective of ancient code, we can trace back the historical development of Classics and jurisprudence and establish a complete content of Chinese academic history. Therefore, this thesis will focus on “the effect of classics on jurisprudence” from the perspective of Classics in “Tang Ley Su Yi”. To perform detailed discussion of the coordination of classics and jurisprudence in “Tang Ley Su Yi”, the scheme of this thesis is constructed with seven chapters as follows: Chapter 1 Introduction, Chapter 2 The beginning and development of the Coordination of Classics and Jurisprudence, Chapter 3 The outer investigation of the interaction between classics and jurisprudence, Chapter 4 The ultimate basis of “Tang Ley Su Yi”- “Heaven”, Chapter 5 The marriage law of “Tang Ley Su Yi”, Chapter 6 The kinship of “Tang Ley Su Yi”, Chapter 7 The ruler and subject of “Tang Ley Su Yi”, and Chapter 8 Conclusions, where I will summarize the finding of this thesis. Finally, I will provide a unique and complete description of the effect of classics on jurisprudence in “Tang Ley Su Yi”.