Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-12-01T11:54:46Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Renata da Silva Gonçalves_Dissertacao .pdf: 2071940 bytes, checksum: 6c19d871df8b227366d386eee8bde11a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T11:54:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Renata da Silva Gonçalves_Dissertacao .pdf: 2071940 bytes, checksum: 6c19d871df8b227366d386eee8bde11a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / O objetivo principal da presente dissertação de mestrado é compreender como se dá a atuação da sociedade civil dentro da Cúpula Social do MERCOSUL (Mercado Comum do Sul) considerando: o formato associativo, a escala de atuação e as demandas e interesses que ela apresenta. A Cúpula proporcionou a entrada de novas associações da sociedade civil nos debates do Mercado Comum do Sul e, consequentemente, a inserção de demandas oriundas dessa nova agenda participativa no bloco. Embora as associações da sociedade civil que atuem na Cúpula tenham sua atuação predominantemente no âmbito nacional ou local, o MERCOSUL propicia uma estrutura de oportunidades que estimula a interconexão transnacional dessa sociedade civil – seja se tornando um lugar onde a sociedade civil possa buscar novas ideias e pressionar seus Estados, seja propagando ideias que foram frutíferas em seu país para outros, criando conexões. Para esta pesquisa exploratória foi utilizada uma análise qualitativa baseada principalmente em pesquisa documental. Assim, o mapeamento foi realizado a partir da análise de documentos oficiais do bloco obtidos na internet, tais como atas, resoluções, protocolos e as declarações finais das Cúpulas realizadas nos anos de 2006-2013. Além disso foram realizados diversos contatos para a obtenção de dados não disponíveis no ambiente virtual, destacando-se o realizado com a pesquisadora Dra. Janina Onuki que gentilmente cedeu entrevistas com alguns participantes das Cúpulas e a entrevista realizada com o Chefe da Assessoria Internacional da Secretaria Geral da Presidência da República, Fabrício Prado. Como base teórica, foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica do conceito de Sociedade Civil na Teoria Democrática Contemporânea, buscando compreender sua adequação e aplicabilidade à realidade do continente latino-americano e ao MERCOSUL. Sendo este um bloco econômico de integração regional que tem estimulado a participação da sociedade civil nos últimos anos, essa dissertação procurar explorar um tema ainda recente e pouco estudado pelas novidades que apresenta. Procurou contribuir principalmente com uma caracterização geral – um retrato – das principais associações que participaram dos espaços autorizados pelo bloco, em termos de participação social e cidadã. / The present work sought to understand how is the performance of civil society within the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) considering: the associative format, the performance scale and the demands and interests that it presents. The Summit provided the introduction of new associations of civil society in the Southern Common Market discussions and consequently the inclusion of demands from this new participatory agenda in the block. Although civil society associations that work at the Summit have its operations predominantly at the national or local level, MERCOSUR provides a framework of opportunities that stimulate transnational interconnection between civil society – it is becoming a place where civil society is able to look for new ideas and push their States or propagate ideas from your country to the others, creating connections. For this exploratory research was carried out a qualitative analysis based mainly on documentary research. Thus, the mapping was done from the analysis block official documents obtained on the Internet, such as meeting minutes, resolutions, protocols and final declarations of the summits held in the years 2006-2013. Also they were made several contacts to obtain data not available in the virtual environment, especially the one with Dr. Janina Onuki researcher who kindly gave interviews with some participants of the Summit and the interview with the Head of International Advisory of General Secretariat from Presidency of the Republic, Fabrício Prado. As a theoretical basis, it was carried out a literature of the concept of civil society in Contemporary Democratic Theory, trying to understand their adequacy and applicability to the reality of the Latin American continent and the MERCOSUR. This being an economic bloc of regional integration that has stimulated the participation of civil society in recent years, this dissertation seek to exploit a recent theme and little studied by the news presenting. Tried to contribute mainly to a general characterization - a picture - the main associations that participated in the areas authorized by the block in terms of social and citizen participation.

The regionalisation of politics on a global scale, Call be seen as one of the defining features of contemporary international relations. Given this phenomenon, the tasks which confronted this thesis, was to consider the conditions and requirements necessary within the Southern African region to build an all-embracing developed regional order. The urgency with which the latter task should be undertaken, is premised on an increased realisation that the region, and indeed the continent as a whole, are becoming of lesser significance in international affairs. However, a number of impediments will have to be overcome, before the goal of a developed regional order can be achieved, which will contribute to lasting security in the region. Foremost amongst many issues, is how to employ the approaches to integration, in attempting to explain how the goal of a developed order should be achieved. A second problem which this thesis was confronted with, relates to which organisation shoulO be' considered the best vehicle, to drive the integration process forward- COMESA, SACU or SADC. The decision take SADC as the organisation to drive the integration process forward, is premised on a number of factors. Amongst many, it qualifies in geographical terms as a region, the historical linkages of the countries of the region (based on their fight against apartheid, division of labour, etc.), serves as a basis for building a sense of community. Thirdly its institutions can be developed to achieve the goal of an all-embracing regional order. Lastly and most importantly, SADC realises that regional integration will remain unattainable without the involvement of the peoples of Southern Africa. The identification of the organisation to drive the integration process forward, serves to bolster moves towards a maximalist order. However, significant changes in the structure and institutions of SADC is necessary, before it can be considered an all-embracing and developed regional order. Not suprisingly, therefore, we have witness a number of institutional changes to the SADC structures. Amongst many, the establishment of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security , the signing of the SADC Trade Facilitation Protocol, and the commitment to democracy and a human rights culture, are most significant and will, it is hoped, provide the building-blocks for deeper integration in Southern Africa. Apart from the above, which occur between and among the states of the region, steps are underway between and among the agents of civil society to work closely with each other, to establish a regional civil society. Most notably, the establishment of a media society for Southern Africa, the calls by COSATU for a Social Charter with a regional flavour, the establishment of environmental and human rights networks, and the support for the Gay and Lesbian Movement of Zimbabwe (GALZ), represent landmarks, in the search for a developed regional order. However, the reluctance of the governments of the Southern African countries, to consult with the NGOs, before the adoption of the Organ Politics, clearly bears testimony to their present inability to take the necessary steps needed to move from a minimalist to a maximalist conception of regional organisation. The suggestion of this thesis is that the move-away from minimalism to maximalism can be facilitated by the development of a political centre-around which both governments and NGO activities can be articulated, since both are primarily concerned with the security and welfare of the Southern African region.

Magister Legum - LLM

Regionaler Wirtschaftlicher Integration (RWI) liegt ein doppelter Zielkonflikt (“trade-off“) zugrunde. Zum einen besteht dieser trade-off auf räumlicher Ebene da es sich um eine politische und ökonomische Organisationseinheit zwischen dem Lokalen und Globalen handelt. Zum anderen besteht ein trade-off da sowohl Liberalisierungsansätze innerhalb der Region als auch das Aufrechterhalten (oder gar Erweitern) von Protektionismus gegen die Außenwelt Teil von regionalen Ansätzen sind. Darüber hinaus ist RWI ein facettenreiches, polymorphes und idiosynkratisches Phänomen, das (potentiell) eine Vielzahl unterschiedlicher Politkfelder und Politikschlagrichtungen enthält. Traditionell wird RWI nach der Klassifizierung von Balassa (1961) in Präferenzabkommen (PTAs), Freihandelsabkommen (FTAs), Zollunionen (CUs) Gemeinsame Märkte (CMs), Währungsunionen (MUs) und ggf. Politische Unionen (PUs) eingeteilt und meist auch eine zeitliche Abfolge in dieser Reihenfolge unterstellt. In Wahrheit finden solche Prozesse teilweise parallel und in vielen Fällen unvollständig statt. Daher erscheint es sinnvoller, in vier verschiedene Kategorien an Politikfeld0ptionen zu unterschieden, nämlich • Präferentielle Liberalisierung von Güterhandel; • Präferentielle Liberalisierung anderer Produktionsfaktoren; • Koordinierung & Harmonisierung von Regularien und Institutionen; • Koordinierung und gemeinsame Verausgabung von öffentlichen Mitteln. Ein solch vielgestaltiges und janusköpfiges Phänomen bezieht seine Rechtfertigung aus einer großen Anzahl an unterschiedlichen theoretischen Schulen. Wir diskutieren diese Schulen in dieser Arbeit in drei separaten Kapiteln zum Neo-Klassischen Ansatz, zu Ansätzen der Politischen Ökonomie sowie zu Heterodoxen Ansätzen. Dabei lassen sich fünf Gruppen von Effekten unterscheiden. Diese sind • Allokationseffekte; • Akkumulationseffekte; • Lokationseffekte; • Levellingeffekte; • Und Gouvernanz-Effekte. Bei der Analyse von RWI sind darüber hinaus Imperfektionen zu beachten, die insbesondere in Afrika eine entscheidende Rolle spielen. Dies bezieht sich insbesondere auf die teilweise sehr schwache Implementation von beschlossenen RWI Maβnahmen, die sich z.B. im „Spaghetti Bowl“ Phänomen, politischen Widerständen auf nationaler Ebene, administrativen Schwächen und massiven Deckungslücken in den Budgets der regionalen Behörden niederschlagen. Auch die Dominanz der Informalität in der Wirtschaft wirft Fragen zur potentiellen Wirkungsmächtigkeit von RWI auf. Während solche „Papiertiger“-Phänomene grundsätzliche Fragen an der Ernsthaftigkeit der jeweiligen Regionalvorhaben aufwerfen, kann die Präsenz solcher Hürden auch Grund für Optimismus sein da die empirisch bislang beobachteten, relativ geringen Wohlfahrtseffekte zu einem substantiellen Anteil auf die geringe Implementierungstiefe zurückgeführt werden können und nicht zwangsläufig ein Beleg für die Ineffektivität von RWI per se gesehen werden muss. Mit anderen Worten, eine wirkliche empirische Überprüfung des Erfolgs oder Versagens von RWI in Entwicklungsländern könnte erst stattfinden, wenn es tatsächlich ordnungsgemäß umgesetzt würde. Der bekannteste und am umfangreichsten entwickelte Ansatz zur Analyse der Effekte von RWI ist fraglos der Neo-klassische Ansatz, der sich grundlegend und ausschlieβlich mit der auf Viner zurückgehenden Gegenüberstellung von Handelsschaffung und Handelsumlenkung. Wir zeigen, dass die neoklassischen empirischen Methoden und Resultate trotz Tausender Studien wenig robust sind und zu einem Gutteil arbiträr gewählt sind. Kleinste Änderungen in Modell-Parametern, der empirischen Strategie oder den Datenquellen führen zu stark abweichenden Resultaten. Grundsätzlich scheint Handelsumlenkung weniger stark ausgeprägt zu sein als Handelsschaffung, der Netto-Effekt für die Regionen scheint also aus dieser Perspektive in den allermeisten Fällen positiv zu sein (dies zeigen sowohl Sekundärstudien als auch eigene Berechnungen). Es gibt sowohl Gewinner als auch Verlierer innerhalb der Regionen. Allerdings scheinen diese nicht wie vom Neoklassischen Ansatz vorhergesagt, durch die anfängliche ökonomische Machtverteilung vorherbestimmt zu sein. Dennoch bleibt die axiomatische Inferiorität von RWI zwischen Entwicklungsländern gegenüber multilateraler Liberalisierung (sowie Nord-Süd Integration und unilateraler Liberalisierung) intakt, solange die Analyse auf diese Perspektive beschränkt bleibt. Dies wirft die Frage auf, warum es dann sein kann, dass Regionalintegration so weit verbreitet ist – sowohl die Analysen aus Politökonomischer Sicht als auch jene aus Heterodoxer Sicht versuchen jeweils Antwort auf dieses scheinbare Rätsel zu geben. Darüber hinaus mündet eine unvoreingenommen und holistische Analyse von Regionalintegration innerhalb des Neoklassischen Ansatzes in einer fundamentale Erkenntnis, die überraschenderweise nur selten in der Literatur diskutiert wird. Ein näherer Blick auf die jeweiligen Schätzungen offenbart, dass selbst die optimistischsten Berechnungen in Größenordnungen enden, die absolut vernachlässigbar sind im Verhältnis zu generellen Wachstumsdynamiken, da es sich bei den Effizienzgewinnen aus Allokationseffekten um Einmal-Effekte in Höhe von unter einem Prozent des BIP handelt. Dies trifft interessanterweise nicht nur auf RWI zu, sondern auch für eine mögliche allumfassende multilaterale Liberalisierung. Diese eklatante Bedeutungslosigkeit der allokationsbedingten Handelsschaffung von sowohl RWI als auch multilateraler Liberalisierung wirft in unseren Augen mehr Fragen bezüglich der Zweckdienlichkeit des Neoklassischen Ansatzes auf, als bezüglich des Entwicklungs- und Wachstumspotentials von Regionalintegration. Allerdings stellt sich die Frage, warum dieser Analyse dann ein solch großer Raum beigemessen wird. Der Hauptgrund scheint, wie in vielen anderen Bereichen der Volkswirtschaft auch, weniger der Umstand zu sein, dass die Einsicht fehlt, dass diese Analysen die Realität nur unzureichend ab- und nachbilden, sondern vielmehr, dass von vielen Autoren mehr Wert auf eine elegante, mathematisch raffinierte und zumindest scheinbar klar quantifizierte und eindeutige Ergebnisse liefernde Methode setzen wollen als auf eine, bei der die Disziplin methodisch bestenfalls in den Anfangsschuhen steckt, Datengrundlagen in substantiellem Umfang fehlen und Ungewissheiten aufgrund der Komplexität kaum abschließend überwunden werden können. An zweiter Stelle folgt in Bezug auf Popularität und Anzahl an Studien ein spieltheoretischer Ansatz der Politischen Ökonomie. Hierbei wird der Frage nachgegangen, warum Regionalintegration betrieben wird, obwohl der Neoklassische Ansatz (scheinbar) nachweist, das seine multilaterale Lösung zu präferieren wäre. Als Grund wird hierbei der Einfluss von Lobbyisten und anderen Interessengruppen angenommen. Die Diskussion widmet sich im weiteren Verlauf fast ausschließlich der Frage, ob eine solcherart zustande gekommene Regionalintegration weitere, multilaterale Liberalisierungsschritte beflügelt und behindert. Allerdings ist der Erkenntnisgewinn aus den unzähligen Studien und Modellen äußerst überschaubar. Andere wichtige Ansätze für die Analyse von RWI erhalten deutlich weniger Aufmerksamkeit in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion, obwohl diese heterodoxen Ansätze, die den Fokus auf dynamische Effekte und Strukturwandel legen, in der öffentlichen Debatte eine nicht unbedeutende Rolle spielen. Diesen Ansätzen ist gemein, dass sie einen Fokus auf Marktversagen und Externalitäten legen. Das Triumvirat der Neuen Handelstheorie, der Neuen der Diskussionen, wobei zusätzlich einige Keynesianische Einflüsse, der Neue Institutionalismus (sowie praxisorientierte Aspekte der Öffentlichen Finanzen) und einige radikalere Ansätze mit Ökonomischen Geografie und der Neuen Endogenen Wachstumstheorie bildet hierbei den Kern Fokus auf Arbeitsmärkte und Entwicklungsfallen eine Rolle spielen. Heterodoxe, dynamische Effekte sind sehr komplex und divers und die theoretische und empirische Anwendung auf Regionalismus ist nur sehr schwach entwickelt. Einige heterodoxe Argument ändern die Resultate der Neoklassischen Theorie nur in beschränktem Umfang und zeigen sowohl Vorteile und Nachteile von regionalen und multilateralen Liberalisierungsschritten. Einige andere heterodoxe / dynamische Effekte treten entweder ausschließlich bei RWI auf oder zu einem deutlichen geringeren Maβe auch im Gefolge von Multilateralismus und Nord-Süd Integration. Einige davon haben unserer Einschätzung nach tatsächlich das Potential, die Neoklassischen Argumente zur Dominanz von multilateralen Lösungen komplett ins Gegenteil zu verkehren. Leider ist die empirische Analyse von dynamischen Effekten jedoch sehr schlecht entwickelt. Dennoch erscheinen Schätzungen aufgrund von dynamischen Modellen “sufficiently specified to suggest that the benefits behind the dynamics of integration are potentially large” (Develin & French-Davis, 1998:20). Die Komplexität der heterodoxen Effekte impliziert, dass komplizierte Entscheidungen zur Auswahl von spezifischen Maβnahmen getroffen werden müssen. Auch wenn Regionalismus dynamische Effekte auslösen kann, ist dies keineswegs ein Automatismus, der aus jeglichen regionalen Anstrengungen entspringt. Rodrik’s Kommentar zu Industriepolitik paraphrasierend, sollte daher in Zukunft weniger der Frage nachgegangen werden, ob Regionalismus unter Entwicklungsländern eine gute Politikwahl ist, sondern eher, wie Regionalismus ausgebildet werden muss, um erfolgreich Entwicklungsimpulse geben zu können.:1. Introduction 1.1 Regional economic integration: a multi-faceted phenomenon and double trade-off 1.2 Economic theories with application to economic regionalism 1.2.1 Stock-taking of theoretical frameworks 1.2.2 Attempt at a categorisation of potential effects 1.2.3 Structure and approach 1.2.4 Justification and limitations 2. Historical sketch and typical phenomena of African regionalism 2.1 Historical sketch: regionalism in Africa and beyond 2.2 Paper tigers, spaghetti bowl and informality 2.2.1 Illusionary regionalism: the political economy of signing, but not implementing regionalism 2.2.1.1 Concealed political resistance 2.2.1.2 Institutional weaknesses 2.2.1.3 The spaghetti bowl 2.2.1.4 Is regionalism virtual or real? 2.2.2 Regionalism and the informal sector 3. Neo-classic perspectives: is regionalism doomed to failure? 3.1 Neo-classical economics: trade diversion and absolute losses 3.1.1 The destructive effects of trade diversion 3.1.2 Some criticisms on the trade creation / trade diversion calculus 3.2 Winners and losers 3.3 Economic regionalism as a futile undertaking: no way out of the poverty trap? 3.3.1 Size 3.3.2 Homogeneity 3.3.3 Preference erosion 3.4 Empirics I: do RECs promote trade? 3.4.1 Regional trade volumes, shares, intensities and their development 3.4.2 The gravity model 3.4.2.1 Results of the gravity model 3.4.2.2 Factors for the variety and unreliability of the gravity model 3.4.3 Alternative methodological approaches 3.4.3.1 Panel approach 3.4.3.2 Matching estimator 3.4.3.3 REC depth differentiation 3.4.3.4 Bayesian Model Averaging 3.4.3.5 CGE: pseudo empirics or ‘could’ African RECs promote trade? 3.5 Empirics II: do RECs hurt their members? 3.5.1 Gravity and trade diversion 3.5.2 CGE and welfare effects 3.5.3 Finger-Kreinin index of similarity 3.5.4 ROI and RCA 3.6 Empirics III: winners and losers 3.7 Empirics IV: are African RECs ill-suited for regionalism? 3.7.1 Size 3.7.2 Homogeneity 3.7.2.1 Homogenous Africa? 3.7.2.2 A short digression: Linder or H-O? 3.7.3 Preference erosion 3.8 Empirics V: A closer look at NC aspects for the EAC 3.8.1 Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) 3.8.2 Descriptive statistics on absolute and relative trade growth 3.8.3 Finger-Kreinin index 3.8.4 Revealed comparative advantage approach 3.8.5 Disaggregated effects 3.8.6 Effects of disaggregated changes in preferential margins on relative trade growth 3.8.7 EAC: regional gains or losses? 3.8.8 EAC: winners and losers 3.9 Synopsis: The limits of regionalism or the limitations of NC approaches? 3.9.1 Empirical results 3.9.2 Insufficiency and arbitrariness of empirical instruments 3.9.3 Gains from regionalism in perspective (I): contribution to GDP 3.9.4 Gains from regionalism in perspective (II): extra-regional alternatives 3.9.4.1 North-South integration as alternative? 3.9.4.2 Unilateralism and multilateralism as better alternatives? 3.9.5 The need for looking beyond the Neoclassical Framework 4. Political economy: non-welfare oriented reasons for regionalism and implementation issues 4.1 Framing the ‘stepping stone vs. stumbling block’ debate: Larry Summers vs. Jagdish Bhagwati 4.1.1 Endogenous bloc formation 4.1.2 Endogenous protection 4.1.3 Institutional and negotiation aspects 4.1.4 Forgone gains vs. political feasibility – a case for ‘open regionalism’ 4.2 Empirics and synopsis: Regionalism and multilateralism – friends or foes? 5. Heterodox perspectives: what role for regionalism in development and structural change? 5.1 Regionalism as anti-globalism vs. regionalism as tool for structural change 5.2 Relaxed assumptions 5.2.1 Economies of scale 5.2.2 Imperfect competition and product differentiation 5.2.3 Trade costs, factor (im)mobility, diminishing returns and congestion 5.2.4 Technology, skills and (tacit) knowledge 5.2.5 Sector / goods heterogeneity and firm heterogeneity 5.2.6 Dynamism and endogeneity of factors 5.2.7 Non-clearing labour markets 5.2.8 Transaction costs 5.2.9 The importance of the short-run 5.3 Heterodox models and regionalism: catching-up and structural change? 5.3.1 Non-NC allocation effects 5.3.1.1 Love for variety 5.3.1.2 Competition-induced producer rent reductions and rent transfers 5.3.2 Levelling effects and adjustment costs in the short run 5.3.2.1 Is there a case for regionalism as a levelling force? 5.3.2.2 Is regionalism alleviating adjustment costs? 5.3.3 Location and accumulation effects 5.3.3.1 Competition and challenge-response increases in efficiency 5.3.3.2 Trade and investment: is there a case for tariff-jumping FDI? 5.3.3.3 Liberalisation and learning by doing: is there a case for infant industry protection? 5.3.3.4 Protection and competition: is there a case for regional industrial policy? 5.3.3.5 Winners and losers: is there a case for regional compensation? 5.3.3.6 Missing liberalization from the West in a dishonest debate: a case for tit-for-tat? 5.3.3.7 Limits of liberalization and creating a flat world 5.3.3.8 Trade costs vs. agglomeration: a case for regionalisation in the long run? 5.3.4 Governance effects: regionalism and governance/public spending 5.3.4.1 Regionalism as window of opportunity: does regionalism improve governance? 5.3.4.2 Signalling 5.3.4.3 Bargaining position 5.3.4.4 Regionalism and harmonisation: transaction costs and levelling the playing field 5.3.4.5 Regional public spending: regional public goods and economies of scale 5.4 Some attempts at empirical strategies for heterodox approaches 5.4.1 Literature review: heterodox empirical results and their discontents 5.4.1.1 Allocation effects: love for variety and producer rents 5.4.1.2 Levelling effects and adjustment costs 5.4.1.3 Accumulation and location effects 5.4.1.4 Governance effects 5.4.2 Heterodox effect approximations for the EAC 5.4.2.1 Regional export growth and export share growth 5.4.2.2 Directions of trade in the EAC 5.4.2.3 Sectoral disaggregation (I): CIP rankings 5.4.2.4 Sectoral disaggregation (II): Manufacturing exports and technology content 5.4.2.5 Sectoral disaggregation (III): Manufacturing exports and intra-regional trade 5.4.2.6 Sectoral disaggregation (IV): ‘complexity’ and diversification 5.4.2.7 Sectoral disaggregation (V): diversification and new trade 5.4.2.8 Foreign Direct Investment 5.4.2.9 Governance effects in the EAC: protocols vs. functional cooperation 5.5 Synopsis: are heterodox dynamic effects the saviours of regionalism? 6. Conclusion 6.1 Insights from and debunking of the NC framework 6.2 Insights from and debunking of the political economy framework 6.3 Insights from and current limitations of the heterodox framework Annex Bibliography

This thesis examines the applicability of the theoretical concept of Multilevel governance through a case study of the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy, more specifically a case study of the reform of the Common Market Organisation for Wine. The study focuses on the creation of the French national position regarding this reform. The primary aim is to determine whether the behaviour of the actors involved in the negotiation process corresponds conforms to the principles of the MLG concept. A secondary aim of the study is to identify the national particularities that could have an impact on certain aspects of the MLG concept. Since several of these aspects have not been proved in France because of the strong influence of national particularities, supplementary research has been done in the Czech Republic. In this country also, some aspects of the MLG concept were not applied. The thesis reaches the conclusion that the concept of MLG is applicable in the case of the negotiation process for the reform of the CMO for Wine even though some principles of MLG were not confirmed. This lack of applicability was caused by the influence of certain particularities of the country which are not engaged in the theoretical framework of the MLG concept. It is recommended that the possible influence of national...

The regional economic community (REC) of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) compri'ses 15 Southern African countries. The' economic and political aspects of regional integration in SADC dictate the pace of integration while the influence of a legal regime for regional integration remains at the periphery. While the SADC Treaty and its Protocol on Trade are clear about the priority of economic integration; the full implementation of SADC's economic integration is still yet to be realised using these legal instruments. Regional economic integration is also a priority at both continental and global level. The legal instruments applicable at these levels are those established through the African Union (AU) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) respectively. Analysis of these external legal instruments is relevant because SADC Member States are signatories to agreements establishing these organisations·. Thus, rules based trade in SADC should be understood from a regional, continental and global perspective where a community must have well-structured and managed relations between itself and other legal systems as a necessary condition for its effectiveness. These structured relations refers to a legal and institutional framework that defines the relations between community and national laws, spelling out the modalities for implementing community law in Member States, defines the respective competencies of the community and Member States and provide rule based systems for resolution of conflicts. In setting the scene for an in-depth discussion of the legal and institutional framework for regional economic integration in SADC, this study presents the history of SADC, its political and economic characteristics that have shaped the legal aspects of trade within the region, the continent of Africa and the world at large. Within this context, the definition of regional integration is presented from a general and international understanding but ultimately gets narrowed down to what it means for Africa and SADC. The discussion on the · theories behind regional economic integration gives understanding to the integration approach employed in the organisation. South Africa's economic and political leadership is critical in the realisation of economic integration; hence this study acknowledges that without South Africa's full commitment; regional economic integration will suffer .a setback. Besides the challenge of implementing rules based trade in SADC, this study also identifies a number of obstacles to SADC regional economic integration and multiple memberships are identified as a: major stumbling block. A comparative study of SADC's institutional framework with that of the E1;Jropean Union· (EU) is undertaken to establish the rationale behind SADC's choice of utilising the EU model of integration. This study establishes the critical role institutions play in the implementation of treaty obligations as established by the agreements. The main lesson from this comparative study is that the EU institutions are allowed to fulfill their obligations of implementing treaty provisions, while SADC institutions are handicapped. The future of SADC is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identifies the tripartite free trade area (FTA) that includes the East Africa Community (EAC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) as one of viable legal instrument for deeper integration in SADC and the continent of Africa. General recommendations are made on the need for reform of rules and principles that are necessary for the implementation of SADC Treaty regime as well as possible improvements that are important for the full realisation of regional economic integration. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

The regional economic community (REC) of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) compri'ses 15 Southern African countries. The' economic and political aspects of regional integration in SADC dictate the pace of integration while the influence of a legal regime for regional integration remains at the periphery. While the SADC Treaty and its Protocol on Trade are clear about the priority of economic integration; the full implementation of SADC's economic integration is still yet to be realised using these legal instruments. Regional economic integration is also a priority at both continental and global level. The legal instruments applicable at these levels are those established through the African Union (AU) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) respectively. Analysis of these external legal instruments is relevant because SADC Member States are signatories to agreements establishing these organisations·. Thus, rules based trade in SADC should be understood from a regional, continental and global perspective where a community must have well-structured and managed relations between itself and other legal systems as a necessary condition for its effectiveness. These structured relations refers to a legal and institutional framework that defines the relations between community and national laws, spelling out the modalities for implementing community law in Member States, defines the respective competencies of the community and Member States and provide rule based systems for resolution of conflicts. In setting the scene for an in-depth discussion of the legal and institutional framework for regional economic integration in SADC, this study presents the history of SADC, its political and economic characteristics that have shaped the legal aspects of trade within the region, the continent of Africa and the world at large. Within this context, the definition of regional integration is presented from a general and international understanding but ultimately gets narrowed down to what it means for Africa and SADC. The discussion on the · theories behind regional economic integration gives understanding to the integration approach employed in the organisation. South Africa's economic and political leadership is critical in the realisation of economic integration; hence this study acknowledges that without South Africa's full commitment; regional economic integration will suffer .a setback. Besides the challenge of implementing rules based trade in SADC, this study also identifies a number of obstacles to SADC regional economic integration and multiple memberships are identified as a: major stumbling block. A comparative study of SADC's institutional framework with that of the E1;Jropean Union· (EU) is undertaken to establish the rationale behind SADC's choice of utilising the EU model of integration. This study establishes the critical role institutions play in the implementation of treaty obligations as established by the agreements. The main lesson from this comparative study is that the EU institutions are allowed to fulfill their obligations of implementing treaty provisions, while SADC institutions are handicapped. The future of SADC is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identifies the tripartite free trade area (FTA) that includes the East Africa Community (EAC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) as one of viable legal instrument for deeper integration in SADC and the continent of Africa. General recommendations are made on the need for reform of rules and principles that are necessary for the implementation of SADC Treaty regime as well as possible improvements that are important for the full realisation of regional economic integration. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

This study sought to establish the critical underpinnings for the organisational effectiveness of regional integration institutions (RIIs). The interest arose out of a general observation of failure by RIIs in Africa to effectively achieve the objectives for which they were established. Informed by theories of organisational effectiveness, the study hypothesised that RIIs are likely to be effective in achieving the objectives for which they were established if the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are embedded in their institutional structures, systems and processes. The East African Community (EAC) was used as a unit of analysis. A comparative analysis of the world's most advanced RII, the European Union (EU) was also undertaken. The findings revealed that the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are only weakly ingrained in the EAC while deeply embedded in the EU. Recommendations were made on how the EAC could improve its organisational effectiveness. / PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION / MA (PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION)

Motivation of virtually all regional economic integration (REI) initiatives has been prospect of enhanced economic growth. Although REI's role in contributing to growth and development was recognised and acknowledged, its importance in Africa has never been properly outlined. Theoretical background, economic assumptions and evidence of REI are examined to bring out REI's importance to Africa. Depicting from these, benefits and challenges of REI in Africa are explored. This dissertation analyses the progress, pace, approach, sequence of REI in Africa looking at different variables. Africa's regional integration blueprint and institutional framework are compared to EU's but selected areas are identified as essential for Africa. Progress on REI has been found to be slow. This study concludes that REI should be viewed as one aspect of strategy towards Africa's development and growth. However, the benefits of REI make it imperative for it to remain the central pillar of Africa's development agenda. / Economics / M.Com. (Economics)

La construction européenne fut entre la conférence de La Haye en 1969 et la signature de l’Acte unique européen en 1986, une entreprise d’intégration des sociétés européennes principalement économique, notamment fondée sur la libre circulation des marchandises, des hommes mais aussi des services et des capitaux. Ce projet de marché unique transnational fut un défi inouï lancé aux Etats et aux partis politiques qui organisent l’expression politique au sein de chaque nation. Deux partis, profondément enracinés par leur identité socialiste et démocratique dans la vie de leur nation et également mus par l’idéal européen, le parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD) et le Parti socialiste français (PS), furent, par l’action de leurs dirigeants au pouvoir, étroitement associés à la réalisation du projet européen.Ces partis furent-ils des acteurs qui imprimèrent la marque du socialisme démocratique à la construction européenne ou l’accompagnèrent-ils sans en corriger les traits originaux ? Ont-ils façonné le modèle économique de l’intégration européenne ou s’est-il imposé à eux ? Partant, cette expérience européenne les conduisit-elle à préserver ou à modifier leur identité ? Notre recherche nous conduit ainsi à étudier la rencontre entre deux utopies, l’utopie européenne et l’utopie du socialisme démocratique et à mesurer l’extrême difficulté pour ces deux partis de créer un modèle qui fasse converger ces deux caractéristiques du PS et du SPD et leur permette de rester des forces politiques d’avenir, riches de propositions partagées à l’échelle européenne. / Between the conference of The Hague (1965) and the signing of the Single European Act (1986), the European Construction was foremost an economic endeavour aiming at integrating the European societies and based on the free movement of goods, people, services and money. The creation of the common market was an extraordinary challenge for the nation states and for the political parties which are responsible for the expression of the political life of their nation. Two parties, the French socialist party (PS) and the social-democratic party of Germany (SPD), both deeply rooted in the political life of their own nation, with a socialist and democratic identity, but also moved by European ideals, were greatly involved in the realisation of the European project, mainly through the action of their leaders when these were exercising their national responsibilities and ruling their nation.Thus the questioning: did these parties leave the mark of democratic socialism on the European construction or did they only accompany it without correcting the original features? Did they participate in the definition of the European economic model or not? And in turn, did the European construction lead them to preserve or to modify their identity?Our inquiry leads us to study how two utopian ideas, the path towards democratic socialism and the path towards European unity, interfere. The extreme difficulty for both parties to create a convergence between these two paths could prevent them from remaining political strengths with great future at national and European scale.