In its most general form this study aims to understand and reveal the dynamics that shape AKP&rsquo / s Kurdish politics. In this way primarily, socio-political factors that constitute AKP and the political tradition out of which it has arose have been analyzed with in the theoretical framework of the center-periphery model. It seeks to determine the socio-political basis of AKPs emergence on a platform of change and EU centered vision. It understands this approach as an effort to legitimize itself against a Kemalist center. This study understands AKP&rsquo / s desire to align itself with the West in the course of its quest for legitimization and its desire for the candidacy for the process of ascension to the European Union as the only paths to take after the events of February the 28th has confirmed the judgment that Turkey cannot consolidate its own democracy within its own dynamics. This study contends that the most fundamental influence that has shaped AKP&rsquo / s Kurdish politics and obliged AKP to attend to the Kurdish problem, in addition to the political tradition out of which AKP arose, is full accession to EU and the target of consolidating democracy. The study also analyzes the evolutionary phases the Kurdish politics went through. The process of consolidation of democracy in Turkey in accordance with the requirements of ascension to the EU has been seen as the common fate of AKP and the Kurdish politics as well as the source of legitimization both domestically and internationally. This study understands AKP&rsquo / s Kurdish politics as one of a paradox for the ethnic and religious identities that has faced a systematic resistance since the conception of the republic: On the one hand is the union of these two identities against a sociopolitical system that excludes both, and on the other hand is their political competition on a platform that is perpetually overlapping. The study concludes that AKP&rsquo / s determination and ability to solve the Kurdish problem will give hints on whether the party would succeed or not in its mission of cerating a new political language and democratizing the country.

of the Master thesis The thesis deals with relation of the constitutional framework (institutional architecture) and democratic consolidation. Institutional framework has undoubtedly an impact on the stability of a political system. A scholar debate of suitability of presidential form of government has been started by Linz and Valenzuela in the late 1980s. The political development of East European countries allows us to study relation of constitutional framework, certain forms of government and political stability (the core of the theoretical part of the thesis). Focusing on Central and East European political systems, the thesis tries to explore, how much the strengthened position of the president, disposing constitutional powers is conducive the systemic stability, instability respectively. The Moldovan case offers the possibility in the great extent; the system has undergone both the semi-presidentialism and parliamentarism, electing its president by using the popular as well as indirect vote. The position of the Moldovan president influences the stability of the political system to the certain extent. At the end, an alternative notion of the semi-presidentialism based on the principal-agent theory is developed.

The thesis "The fall of President Suharto and the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia" aims to characterize the circumstances of the fall of President Suharto and outline the developments that followed after his resignation. The work is divided into theoretical and analytical part. In the first part are characterized the conception of non-democratic regime, the conception of the transition to democracy, the theory of opposition and the theory of consolidation of democracy. The analytical part applied the theory to the Indonesian practice. The intention of the thesis is to introduce the undemocratic regime, circumstances leading to downfall of Suharto and evaluated subsequent developments. The aim of the work is to present the democratization process in Indonesia, find and analyze the causes of the difficulties that accompanied the process of consolidation of democracy.

L’intervention du pouvoir judiciaire, pour arbitrer un scrutin en dernier recours, pose certains problèmes de déroulement dans la démocratie représentative, voire un paradoxe : le principe de la représentation démocratique par vote direct des citoyens peut être mis en cause par l’interprétation judiciaire de l’expression des voix. En même temps, l’intervention du judiciaire comme pouvoir indépendant constitue une garantie d’impartialité sur les résolutions politiques cherchant à renforcer la confiance des principaux acteurs sociaux et politiques sur l’administration électorale. D’autre part, le problème de la rationalité du politique versus la rationalité juridique reste confronté en permanence en cas de processus électoraux conflictuels. Celles-ci s’avèrent des approches indispensables bien que pratiquement antagoniques, du fait qu’elles poursuivent des intérêts proches, mais en soit très distincts. / The intervention of the judiciary power to solve a ballot in last resort, arise several problems concerning the progress of the representative democracy, and even a paradox: the principle of the democratic representation by an indirect vote of the citizens can be put forward by the judiciary interpretation on the meaning of the ballot's votes. At the same time, the intervention of the judiciary as an independent power constitutes a guarantee of impartiality for the political resolutions, seeking to reinforce the trust of the main social and political protagonists about the electoral administration. We are also faced with the problem of the political rationality versus the legal rationality, constantly put forward during electoral conflict contemporary processes as essential protagonists but nearly antagonistic ones, by the fact that they pursue close but distinct interests.

The aim of this thesis is to numerically evaluate democratic consolidation in Eastern European countries of the former Eastern Bloc. To compare these countries with each other and decide which of these countries can be considered as consolidated democracies. Secondary aim is to find which factors supported this consolidation or at least correlate with it. Theoretical basis of this work is Wolfgang Merkel's theory of democratic consolidation. He divides democratic consolidation into four levels: constitutional consolidation, representative consolidation, behavioral consolidation and democratic consolidation of the political culture. Each level of democratic consolidation is numerically expressed, with usage of Bertelsmann's transformation index data, separately for all states in two-year intervals since 2005 to 2015. Based on that, overall democratic consolidation is calculated. Therefore, we can compare countries between each other and in time. Correlation between factors supporting consolidation and overall democratic consolidation is expressed by Pearson correlation coefficient. This work is beneficial in creating and describing method, which can be used for numerical expression of democratic consolidation in any state since 2005 to 2015 without author's subjective influence. Another benefit is...