Au Canada, la littérature montre que les personnes autochtones sont surreprésentées dans le système de justice pénale depuis des décennies Ce phénomène a souvent été lié au colonialisme. La jurisprudence et les modifications apportées au Code criminel canadien ont pris cette approche en compte. Les affaires R. c. Gladue et R. c. Ipeelee mis en évidence l’importance pour les juges de reconnaître les circonstances uniques des accusés autochtones. L'application des principes Gladue a suscité beaucoup de débats par le biais d'analyses d'études de cas. Pour enrichir et approfondir ces travaux, un compte rendu empirique analysant le point de vue des avocats de la défense pénale lorsqu'ils présentent ce type de considérations devant les tribunaux pénaux serait utile. Je me base sur 75 entretiens semi-structurés avec 64 avocats de la défense pénale représentant des clients autochtones dans des zones urbaines, suburbaines, nordiques, éloignées et rurales de l'Ontario. En ce qui concerne la reconnaissance par les acteurs judiciaires des arguments relatifs à la discrimination anti-autochtone, à la violence et aux préjudices causés par l'État colonial, les participants ont adopté une position relativement prévisible : cela dépend de multiples facteurs, notamment de qui ils sont, de la personne en face d'eux, de la juridiction et du type de tribunal devant lequel ils plaident, de l'identité de leur client et du délit commis. Cependant, les directives Gladue semblent encore souvent ignorées par les acteurs judiciaires. Mes conclusions dénoncent l’inadéquation des tribunaux traditionnels pour de nombreuses personnes autochtones, tout en illustrant comment les tribunaux pénaux du Canada sont ancrés dans les inégalités et les reproduisent. Mes conclusions soulignent également la nécessité d'augmenter le financement des avocats qui représentent les défendeurs autochtones marginalisés. / In Canada, research shows that indigenous people have been overrepresented in the criminal justice system for decades This phenomenon has been tied to colonialism by many Jurisprudence and modifications to Canada’s criminal code have been following along with this approach. R. v. Gladue and R. v. Ipeelee made significant considerations involving the duty of judges to recognize the unique circumstances of indigenous accused. Much ink has been spilled about the application of Gladue principles through case study analyses. What could complement and extend this work, is an empirical account that analyzes criminal defence lawyers’ point of view when presenting these types of considerations in criminal courts. I draw on 75 semi-structure interviews with 64 criminal defence lawyers representing indigenous clients in urban, suburban, northern, remote and rural areas of Ontario. When talking about court officials recognizing arguments about anti-indigenous discrimination, violence and colonial state harms, participants presented a somewhat predictable stance: it depends on multiple factors, including, but not limited to who they are, who is in front of them, what is the jurisdiction and type of court they are presenting their case at, who their client is and what crime they committed. Still, court officials still appear to disregard Gladue directives. My findings denounce the unsuitability of traditional courts to many indigenous peoples, all while illustrating how Canada’s criminal courts are embedded in and reproduce inequalities. They also emphasize the critical need for increased funding for lawyers representing marginalized indigenous defendants.

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The existential crisis of the international regime of criminal law is arguably a thing of the past. This is confirmed through a growing body of positive law and the existence of various international criminal courts, notably the permanent International Criminal Court which has been in operation since 2002. Moreover, it is significant that international criminal law (“ICL”) is developing towards increased domestic enforcement, in particular as a result of the complementarity regime envisioned by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. States have generally been receptive and cooperative towards international criminal norms as well as the structures of international criminal justice. As a result international criminal laws are increasingly being transformed into national law and enforced by states on the domestic level. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the abovementioned developments, the characteristics of ICL and certain key concepts. In lieu of the upward trajectory of ICL’s development, the thesis aims to determine whether ICL exerts an influence which holds ‘transformative value’. Chapter 3 unpacks this concept by delineating the different meanings afforded to transformation and identifying the reticent characteristics of transformative change, especially the underlying importance of values during processes of transformation. Transformative value is conceptualised broadly as the product and potential of the type of change that holds some utility for the civitas maxima (or the community of mankind). In Part II, ICL’s transformative value is investigated from a historical and global perspective with emphasis on the purposes, values and politics of international criminal justice. Chapter 4 focuses on the Nuremberg IMT and the trial of Adolf Eichmann. It is submitted that these trials produced a paradigm shift that represents the transformative foundation of modern ICL. Chapter 5 investigates the purposes and aspirations of modern ICL with reference to its underlying assumptions as well as its objectives, the latter which may be found in positive law and the jurisprudence of international criminal courts. The research suggests that ICL is disposed towards objectives which are unique in comparison to those of domestic criminal law. While it cannot be denied that punishment under ICL is predominantly a backward-looking exercise in the tradition of domestic criminal law retributivism, ICL is somewhat removed from this paradigm due to its purpose- and value-driven nature. ICL is also expressive, normative and forward-looking in various respects. Individual criminal liability is however not universally accepted as an appropriate response to collective violence. This is partly a result of ICL’s endemic political dependency. Chapter 6 addresses the impact of politics on ICL’s transformative value. ICL is closely associated with liberal-legalist ideals which essentially promote the interests of individuals. Although it constitutes an important element of ICL’s transformative value, this political influence exposes ICL to criticism and may exert a disruptive influence on its transformative mandate. In this latter respect it is noted that ICL remains somewhat controversial and subject to the general limitations of the decentralised and state-dominated international legal system. In Part III, ICL’s transformative value is investigated using South Africa as a case study, with particular reference to its transitional- and post-transitional periods. Chapter 7 provides a domestic perspective of ICL’s transformative value by investigating the interactions of ICL and the South African legal system, particularly the value of the transformation of ICL into national law. In this regard the impact of Constitutional provisions and national legislation pertaining to ICL are considered, as well as a number of cases related to matters of international criminal justice. It is argued that international criminal norms may promote human values over state authority and political interests in the domestic context. Domestic courts may serve as ‘engine rooms’ for transformative change through more effective enforcement of those international criminal norms that have been ‘transformed’ into national law through implementation legislation. The permeation of international criminal norms into the domestic sphere represents a foray of universal values into an area traditionally dominated by sovereign might and holds potential for promoting the interests of individuals as well as for the institutionalisation of human rights. Yet, as illustrated by the current rift between the ICC and the African Union, international and regional political affiliations may influence the ability of a state to meet its obligations towards international criminal justice. In Part IV (Chapter 8), it is submitted that ICL is historically and ontologically aimed at change that is both backward-looking (repressive) and forward-looking (normative) as well as beneficial in a communitarian sense. ICL’s transformative value derives from the value-and purpose-driven nature of international criminal norms, the political nature of international criminal justice and also from the interaction between international law and domestic legal systems. ICL may be viewed as an authoritative expression of the norms and values of the international community. As such, ICL and its institutions may be viewed not only as a means of punishing the perpetrators of international crime, but also as part of the spearhead towards a desired alternative to the historical and present reality characterised by injustices which have gone unabated under the system of traditional Westphalian sovereignty. As egregious forms of the aforementioned injustices, macro criminality and impunity undermine the protection of internationally recognised individual rights. ICL seeks to remedy this through impacting on those individuals that have not yet acceded to the emergent universal consciousness of the majority in the international community. It is further argued that ICL’s transformative impact is not confined to the “hard” impact of the application of substantive ICL in international and domestic courts. The international criminal justice system as a whole also produces a normative impact through a purpose-driven association with international values and certain political preferences. This thesis offers a new way of thinking about the value, potential and limitations of the ICL regime, as well as the role of politics in international criminal justice. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die eksistensiële krisis van die internasionale strafregbestel is stellig iets van die verlede. Dít word bevestig deur die toenemende hoeveelheid positieweregsmateriaal en die bestaan van verskeie internasionale strafhowe, in die besonder die permanente Internasionale Strafhof wat sedert 2002 in werking is. Daarbenewens is dit beduidend dat internasionale strafreg (hierna ‘ISR’) na binnelandse toepassing begin verskuif, bepaald as gevolg van die komplementariteitsregime wat die Rome Statuut van die Internasionale Strafhof beoog. State is oor die algemeen ontvanklik vir, en tegemoetkomend jeens, internasionale strafnorme sowel as die strukture van internasionale strafregspleging. Gevolglik word internasionale strafwette al hoe meer tot in nasionale wette getransformeer en binnelands deur state toegepas. Hoofstuk 2 bied ’n oorsig van bogenoemde ontwikkelings, die kenmerke van ISR en bepaalde kernbegrippe. In die lig van die opwaartse ontwikkelingstrajek van ISR, het dié tesis ten doel om te bepaal of die invloed wat ISR uitoefen, oor ‘transformasiewaarde’ beskik. Hoofstuk 3 ondersoek hierdie begrip deur die verskillende betekenisse van transformasie uiteen te sit en die versweë kenmerke van transformerende verandering, veral die onderliggende belang van waardes in die transformasieproses, te bepaal. Transformasiewaarde word in die breë verstaan as die produk en potensiaal van die soort verandering wat een of ander nut het vir die civitas maxima (of die gemeenskap van die mensdom). In deel II word die transformasiewaarde van ISR uit ’n historiese en internasionale hoek ondersoek, met die klem op die doel, waardes en politiek van internasionale strafregspleging. Hoofstuk 4 konsentreer op die Neurenberg- internasionale militêre tribunaal en die verhoor van Adolf Eichmann. Daar word aangevoer dat hierdie verhore ’n paradigmaverskuiwing teweeggebring het wat die transformerende grondslag van moderne ISR gelê het. Hoofstuk 5 verken die doelwitte en aspirasies van moderne ISR aan die hand van die onderliggende aannames en oogmerke daarvan. Laasgenoemde is te vinde in die positiewe reg en regsleer van internasionale strafhowe. Die navorsing doen aan die hand dat die oogmerke van ISR uniek is in vergelyking met dié van binnelandse strafreg. Hoewel straf ingevolge ISR onteenseglik ’n hoofsaaklik terugblikkende oefening in die vergeldingstradisie van nasionale strafreg is, is ISR tog ietwat verwyderd van hierdie paradigma vanweë die doel- en waardegedrewe aard daarvan. ISR is in baie opsigte ook ekspressief, normatief en toekomsgerig. Individuele strafregtelike aanspreeklikheid word egter nie allerweë as ’n toepaslike reaksie op kollektiewe geweld aanvaar nie. Dít is deels ’n gevolg van die endemiese politieke afhanklikheid van ISR. Hoofstuk 6 handel derhalwe oor die impak van politiek op die transformasiewaarde van ISR. ISR hou ten nouste verband met liberaal-legalistiese ideale wat in wese individue se belange bevorder. Hoewel dit ’n belangrike element van die ISR-transformasiewaarde uitmaak, stel hierdie politieke invloed ISR ook bloot aan kritiek, en kan dit ’n ontwrigtende uitwerking op die transformasiemandaat daarvan hê. In dié verband word daarop gelet dat ISR ietwat omstrede bly, sowel as onderworpe aan die algemene beperkinge van die gedesentraliseerde en staatsoorheerste internasionale regstelsel. In deel III word die transformasiewaarde van ISR aan die hand van Suid-Afrika as gevallestudie ondersoek, met bepaalde verwysing na die oorgangs- en na-oorgangstydperke van die land. Hoofstuk 7 bied ’n binnelandse beskouing van die transformasiewaarde van ISR deur ondersoek in te stel na die wisselwerking tussen ISR en die Suid-Afrikaanse regstelsel, veral die waarde van die transformasie van ISR tot in die nasionale reg. In hierdie verband word daar besin oor die impak van grondwetlike bepalings en nasionale wetgewing met betrekking tot ISR, sowel as ’n aantal hofsake in verband met aangeleenthede van internasionale strafregspleging. Daar word aangevoer dat internasionale strafnorme in binnelandse verband straks mensewaardes bo staatsgesag en politieke belange bevorder. Binnelandse howe dien moontlik as ‘enjinkamers’ vir transformerende verandering, deur daardie internasionale strafnorme wat deur inwerkingstellingswetgewing tot in die nasionale reg ‘getransformeer’ is, doeltreffender toe te pas. Die deurdringing van internasionale strafnorme tot in die binnelandse sfeer stel ’n verskeidenheid universele waardes bekend op ’n gebied wat tradisioneel deur soewereine mag oorheers is, en hou potensiaal in vir die bevordering van individuele belange sowel as vir die institusionalisering van menseregte. Soos die huidige skeuring tussen die Internasionale Strafhof en die Afrika-unie egter toon, kan internasionale en streek- politieke bande ’n invloed hê op ’n staat se vermoë om sy verpligtinge teenoor internasionale strafregspleging na te kom. In deel IV (hoofstuk 8) word aangevoer dat ISR histories en ontologies afgestem is op terugblikkende (onderdrukkende) én toekomsgerigte (normatiewe) verandering, sowel as verandering wat een of ander gemeenskapsvoordeel inhou. Die transformasiewaarde van ISR spruit uit die waarde- en doelgedrewe aard van internasionale strafnorme, die politieke aard van internasionale strafregspleging, sowel as die wisselwerking tussen internasionale reg en binnelandse regstelsels. ISR kan as ’n gesaghebbende openbaring van die internasionale gemeenskap se norme en waardes beskou word. As sodanig, is ISR en die instellings daarvan nie net ’n middel om die plegers van internasionale misdaad te straf nie, maar ook deel van die strewe na ’n wenslike alternatief vir die historiese én huidige realiteit, wat gekenmerk word deur onregte wat ongebreideld onder die stelsel van tradisionele Wesfaalse soewereiniteit voortduur. Makrokriminaliteit en strafloosheid, synde uiterste vorme van voormelde onregte, ondermyn die beskerming van internasionaal erkende individuele regte. ISR beoog om dít reg te stel deur ’n invloed uit te oefen op daardie individue wat nóg nie die ontluikende universele bewustheid van die meerderheid in die internasionale gemeenskap openbaar nie. Daar word voorts betoog dat die transformerende impak van ISR nie tot die ‘harde’ impak van die toepassing van substantiewe ISR in internasionale en binnelandse howe beperk is nie. Die stelsel van internasionale strafregspleging in die geheel het ook ’n normatiewe impak deur middel van ’n doelgedrewe verbondenheid aan internasionale waardes en bepaalde politieke voorkeure. Hierdie tesis bied ’n nuwe denkwyse oor die waarde, potensiaal en beperkings van die ISR-bestel, sowel as die rol van politiek in internasionale strafregspleging. / Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin for financial support / Stellenbosch University for financial support

<p>This thesis assessed the effectiveness of the Special Court in relation to the impact is has made in cultivating the rudiments of a human rights culture, dispensing justice, ending a culture of impunity, effecting unity and national reconciliation in post war Sierra Leone.</p>

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Relations in the Faculty of Humanities Department of International Relations, 2016 / A feud between the African Union (AU) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been dragging for a while now. The indictment of President Omar Hassan Ahmad alBashir of Sudan and President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy president William Ruto in Kenya altered the cosy relations between the two organisations. Firstly, the AU contends that the ICC cannot prosecute heads of states that have immunity under international law. Secondly, the ICC disturbs the ongoing peace processes with its investigations. The AU accused the ICC of selecting African states for prosecution; as a protracted form of imperialism by prevailing western powers. Withstanding, some of the AU member states that are party to the ICC have willingly signed up to its jurisdiction. Besides, the AU’s founding documents support the fight against grave atrocities. Nonetheless, the AU has failed dismally to live up to the principles it endorses- which tantamount to hypocrisy. The contradictory rhetoric of the AU towards the ICC is not exclusive to the AU, but to international organisations due to conflicting pressures in external environments. The paper explains this empirical phenomenon by applying Organised Hypocrisy (OH) to capture such contradictory behaviour prone to international organisations. / XL2018

Em diálogo com o contexto nacional e internacional de encarceramento em massa e de crise do sistema de justiça penal, os Juizados Especiais Criminais (Jecrims) surgem no Brasil com a dupla tarefa de em um contexto de redemocratização reduzir a complexidade no processamento de conflitos de pequena gravidade, sem deixar de puni-los ainda que levemente. Caracterizados por procedimentos de intervenção mais horizontalizados e flexíveis nos quais se estabelece, em tese, uma troca de interesses entre a justiça penal e as partes em conflito, em favor de uma resposta rápida para a vítima e menos dolorosa para o infrator, esse modo de fazer justiça tem sido chamado de justiça negocial. A partir da etnografia dos Juizados Especiais Criminais de São Bernardo do Campo, a pesquisa buscou compreender os sentidos de punição mobilizados nessas situações de negociação. Constatou-se que essas situações são influenciadas por processos de afirmação de identidades profissionais no campo da justiça, sobretudo a do promotor cujo protagonismo nessas cortes lhes confere uma dinâmica centrada na punição do infrator em detrimento da mediação do conflito. A abordagem etnográfica das audiências também permitiu verificar a predominância de um sistema de atribuição de sanções fortemente marcado por estratégias gestionárias, mas também por finalidades clássicas da pena. Nesse jogo de influências predominam sanções de cunho monetário e a tímida recorrência do trabalho comunitário como forma de punição. Com o intuito de melhor compreender as razões dessa timidez, a pesquisa teve um segundo momento etnográfico dedicado à Central de Penas e Medidas Alternativas de São Bernardo do Campo. Lá foi possível verificar que a reticência em relação a essa modalidade punitiva relaciona-se aos desafios de tornar o serviço comunitário obrigatório uma punição credível para promotores e juízes. Desse modo, conclui-se que o sistema de sanções mobilizado na justiça negocial, uma justiça em princípio alternativa, guarda, mesmo que de maneira leve, uma tradicional semântica do sofrimento. / In dialogue with the national and international contexts of mass imprisonment and criminal justice systems crisis, the Juizados Especiais Criminais (Special Criminal Courts) emerge in Brazil with two scopes: reducing the complexity of minor crimes procedure without stop punishing minor crime even in a soft way. By using horizontal and flexible intervention procedures in which it creates, theoretically, an exchange of interests between criminal justice and conflict parts, favoring a quickly and less painful answer for both parts, this kind of doing justice has been called by bargaining justice. Through ethnography of the Special Criminal Courts of Sao Bernardo do Campo, the research aimed to understand the meanings of punishment mobilized on these bargaining situations. The research revealed that these situations are influenced by the process of affirmation of professional identities in the justice field, especially the prosecutor\'s identity which leadership in these special courts creates a particular dynamic centered on the criminal punishment and not on the conflict mediation. The ethnographic approach of the special courts hearings also made possible verifying the predominance of a system of sanctions attribution characterized substantially by management strategies and also by classical theories of punishment. In this influence play, the forms of punishment that prevail are mainly monetary sanctions and only barely community service. To understand the reasons for the lack of community service application, the research had a second ethnographic moment at the Center of Alternative Punishments and Measures of Sao Bernardo do Campo. Thus, it was possible to verify that the lack of confidence about this kind of punishment is related to the challenges of making the community service mandatory, a reliable punishment for prosecutors and judges. The dissertation concludes that the sanction system mobilized in the bargaining justice, theoretically an alternative justice, keeps a traditional semantic of suffering even in a soft way.

O presente trabalho busca analisar criticamente a atual conformação da justiça penal internacional, identificando as principais dificuldades que enfrenta e propondo uma nova direção que possa servir a mitigar esses problemas e a atingir os fins que declara ter como objetivo. Segundo se pretendeu demonstrar nesta tese, a atual condição da justiça penal internacional, que evoluiu substancialmente no pós-Guerra Fria em conjunto com a proteção internacional dos direitos humanos, constitui-se sobre uma proposta unicamente repressiva. Esse modelo se manifesta no combate aos crimes universais pela priorização da atuação de tribunais penais internacionais e pela definição internacional de padrões obrigatórios a serem seguidos pelos Estados. Todavia, essa proposta padece de diversas dificuldades que podem ser resumidas em dois aspectos principais: tanto na sua incapacidade de se fazer executar, o que lhe retira a independência que se espera de um sistema judicial, quanto na sua indefinição quanto aos fins que persegue. Dessa forma, conclui-se que a aplicação da pena, no plano internacional, é um exercício político que demanda, portanto, limitação. Além disso, como resposta aos graves efeitos dos crimes universais, a justiça penal internacional precisa ser repensada segundo uma proposta também prospectiva que, aliada à repressão, possa servir à evitação de crimes universais e à garantia da paz e dos direitos humanos. Essa proposta é o que se denomina de política criminal universal. / This study aims to critically analyze the current conformation of international criminal justice, identifying the main difficulties that it faces and proposing a new direction that may serve to mitigate these problems and allow the achievement of the goals purposed by states in international arena. According to this thesis, the current status of the international criminal justice, which has evolved substantially in the post-Cold War together with the international protection of human rights, is based on a solely repressive proposal. This model manifests itself, regarding the combat of universal crimes, by priorizing the creation of international criminal courts and through the definition of international standards that are compulsory to States. However, this proposal suffers from several difficulties which can be summarized in two major points: its incapacity to enforce itself, which may endanger the essential independence required from a judicial system, and its inability in deciding its own goals. Thus, it is possible to conclude that the international imposition of a criminal sentence is a dangerous political exercise that demands limitation. Furthermore, in response to the serious effects of universal crimes, international criminal justice needs to be rethought according to a proposal that is also prospective, which, coupled with repression, can serve to the prevention of universal crimes and to ensure universal peace and human rights. This proposal is what is called a universal criminal policy.

L’objet de notre réflexion est de voir que l’articulation entre le Conseil de sécurité et les juridictions pénales internationales s’appréhende essentiellement sous deux angles complètement nouveaux en droit international : la participation directe ou indirecte à la création d’organes juridictionnels et l’intrusion dans les procédures de fonctionnement de ceux-ci. Juridiquement, le Conseil de sécurité exerce pleinement ce double rôle sous le prisme de l’article 24 de la Charte des Nations Unies qui lui attribue la responsabilité principale en matière de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. En effet, qu’il s’agisse de la création des T.P.I., de son rôle peu ou prou variable dans l’établissement des juridictions mixtes, du pouvoir de saisine et de suspension de la C.P.I. que lui confère le Statut de Rome, de l’obligation de coopération des Etats dont il est l’ultime gardien ou de son pouvoir discrétionnaire dans la qualification du crime d’agression, le Conseil de sécurité est devenu, grâce à l’inépuisable fondement du Chapitre VII, le véritable catalyseur de la justice pénale internationale. Cependant, le revers de la médaille de cette importance du Conseil n’est pas anodin ou sans intérêt. Son irruption, très contestée au départ, dans le domaine de la justice pénale internationale donne lieu à une confrontation ancienne en droit international : celle de la politique et du juridique. Les termes de ce conflit transparaissent assez clairement de l’esprit de notre analyse. On ne peut d’ailleurs y échapper tant les préoccupations liées à la justice pénale internationale et celles relatives au maintien de la paix sont consubstantiellement imbriquées. Nous observons, non sans une certaine distance et une forme de retenue, que les termes mêmes de l’articulation alimentent toutes formes de conjectures sur l’indépendance et l’impartialité des juridictions pénales internationales. / The purpose of our research is to acknowledge that the link between the Security Council and international criminal jurisdictions is to be understood essentially under two entirely new perspectives in international law: the direct or indirect involvement of the Security Council in the creation of jurisdictional bodies and its intrusion in the operating procedures of the latter. Legally, the Security Council fully exercises this double role in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations, which devolves to it the main responsibility in the matter of maintaining peace and international security. Indeed, the Security Council, whether it is in the creation of ICCs, in its variable role in the setting up of mixed courts, in its power of submission and suspension of cases before the ICP which is imparted to it by the Statute of Rome, in its ultimate part in ensuring the obligation mutual cooperation amongst states, or in its discretionary power in the characterization of the crime of aggression, has become, thanks to the abiding foundation of Chapter VII, the genuine catalyst of international criminal justice. However, the downside to this importance of the Security Council is neither to be overlooked nor without interest. The sudden, and at first highly debated emergence of the Security Council in the area of international criminal justice has rekindled an old debate in international law: that of the political and the juridical order. The terms of this conflict show quite clearly through the approach of our analysis. We cannot evade this debate, considering how intricately the issues and concerns of international criminal justice and those of relating to peacekeeping are consubstantially interwoven. We may notice, albeit at some distance and some restraint, that the very terms of this link nurture all sorts of conjectures over the independence and impartiality of the international criminal courts.

<p>This thesis assessed the effectiveness of the Special Court in relation to the impact is has made in cultivating the rudiments of a human rights culture, dispensing justice, ending a culture of impunity, effecting unity and national reconciliation in post war Sierra Leone.</p>

Thesis (M.A.) - Simon Fraser University, 2005. / Theses (School of Criminology) / Simon Fraser University.

Thesis (M.A.) - Simon Fraser University, 2005. / Theses (School of Criminology) / Simon Fraser University.