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This thesis assesses the outcomes of the 1957 and 1963 Conservative Party Leadership Selections of Harold Macmillan and Sir Alec Douglas-Home. It analyses the two selections using an original analytical framework, that demonstrates the importance of both individual and situational criteria in determining the outcomes of leadership selections. The individual criteria are the party status of the candidates, and their actions and conduct during the selections. The situational criteria are the situation and circumstances surrounding the selections, the formal and informal aspects of the selection procedure used, and the candidates fulfilment of acceptability, electability, and governability. Acceptability, (the need to retain or maintain party unity), electability, (the need to be electable), and governability, (the ability to govern), are the three core situational criteria on which the candidates are judged. This framework was developed to offer a full and inclusive explanation of the outcomes of the two leadership selections, because the existing analyses of leadership selections has a restrictive approach, and does not offer a conclusive and systematic analysis. The thesis demonstrates that the outcomes of the 1957 and 1963 leadership selections have clear parallels and distinctions in their outcomes. Both selections produced a stop-gap leader in a time of crisis for the Conservative Party. However, the situations were clearly distinct, and this was influential in the outcome. The 1957 selection occurred following a crisis over foreign policy, while the 1963 selection occurred during a deep-seated period of domestic crisis and upheaval. In January 1957, the Conservatives had three years before a general election had to be held, while in October 1963, a general election was imminent within twelve months. The selection procedure was influential in both selections. The informal aspects of the procedure were more influential in 1957, while the procedure had become more formalised in 1963, and this prepared the way for the establishment of formal leadership elections in the Conservative Party in 1965. The choice of Macmillan and Home was made because of the circumstances in which the selections occurred, and because they fulfilled the three core criteria more conclusively than the other candidates. In both outcomes, acceptability was clearly the most important core criteria because the selections occurred at a time of severe disunity in the party, and this deemed party unity as the crucial task of the new leader. In 1957, Macmillan was selected as he fulfilled the requirements of the situation better than R. A. Butler, the other candidate. In 1963, Home became leader because of the weaknesses apparent in the other candidates, and was the compromise candidate to retain party unity. This thesis concludes that the wider individual and situational criteria set the terms of reference on which the core situational criteria of acceptability, electability, and governability are judged. The most important wider criteria were the candidates' actions during the selection, the selection procedure, and the situation that the selection occurred in. This demonstrates the utility of the analytical framework developed in the study.

This Thesis describes the epidemiology of schizophrenia and related disorders in the defined catchment area of Camberwell, SE London, UK, over the period 1965 to 1984. Cases were ascertained through the comprehensive Camberwell Cumulative Psychiatric Case Register. All first-contact patients with a Register diagnosis of any non-affective non-organic psychotic illness were included in the study. Diagnostic uniformity was ensured by rediagnosis of all cases (n=531) using the computerised OCCPI system, which facilitates rediagnosis according to a wide range of diagnostic criteria. Trends in the incidence of non-affective functional psychoses over the two decades during which the Camberwell Register was operational, are explored. The findings, of a rising rate of illness in Camberwell, are discussed in terms of changes in the demography of the general population over the years, and suggestions offered for discrepancies with other studies of time trends in schizophrenia, particular emphasis being placed on changes in the ethnic composition of Camberwell over this period. A case-control study design is used to explore whether the rising incidence of the illness in the area is due solely or largely to drift into the area of ill individuals, or whether some of the variance can be explained in terms of a pernicious inner-city effect operating during early development (in utero or in early childhood). The findings of an excess of schizophrenia patients actually having been born in the inner city suggests that something about poor households in the inner city might predispose to the illness in later life. This is discussed in the general framework of the neurodevelopmental hypothesis of schizophrenia, which proposes that at least some individuals have a form of illness consequent upon subtle damage to the developing brain. A major focus of the analyses is gender differences in schizophrenia, and late onset schizophrenia. Early-onset males were particularly likely to fulfil stringent diagnostic criteria for the illness, and to show premorbid dysfunction. The results are interpreted in the neurodevelopmental framework, and reference made to differences in male and female brains in their vulnerability to neurodevelopmental illnesses in general. Taking this theme forward, a form of factor analysis called latent class analysis is used to further explore the notion of different subtypes of schizophrenia, one of which is an early-onset severe male-predominant form (theoretically consequent upon neurodevelopmental deviance). The analyses resulted in a "best fit" model of three subtypes, one an early-onset male-predominant type associated with premorbid dysfunction ("neurodevelopmental" type); a later-onset "paranoid" type; and an affect-laden type exclusive to females ("schizoaffective" type). There were associations with a number of variables of potential importance in terms of aetiology, namely an association of the "neurodevelopmental" type with a family history of schizophrenia and obstetric complications; an association of the "paranoid" type with winter birth; and of the "affective" type with a family history of psychiatric disorder other than schizophrenia (predominantly affective disorder). This typology does not adequately account for those patients with a late (over 45 years), or very-late onset of illness (over 60). Phenomenological, premorbid, and other differences between early- and late-onset patients are analysed, and the results discussed in the broader framework of the literature on late-onset non-affective psychoses.

No description available.

No description available.

This is not a biography: the lack of any substantial collection of private papers relating to Wheatley would make a biography almost impossible. It is rather a study of the Labour Movement and of Wheatley's contribution to it. There is a natural break in 1922 when Wheatley and many of his Clydeside colleagues were elected to Parliament. Before that date Wheatley was involved in local politics; after that date national politics predominate.

This thesis seeks to identify patterns between various pre-Christian and early Christian sites situated in the pre-Reformation landscape. Scotland, and the west in particular, is distinctly lacking in documentary evidence when compared to other areas in the British Isles – there is unfortunately no Scottish equivalent of the Domesday Book. However, human activity leaves evidence in the form of actual sites or memories and traditions of those that have gone without trace; and it was these sites that form the backbone of this study. A multi-disciplinary approach is adopted, taking an innovative maximalist approach in order to allow patterns to emerge that can be subjected to critical analysis. The study takes the Ordnance Survey National Grid NS map square as an arbitrary limit, and utilises the site record of the Royal Commission for Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland, constructing a large database of sites, a digital mapping programme (ArcView), place-name, historical and archaeological data along with evidence from antiquarian authors. The resulting maps were then studied to identify patterns as described in the Methodology (Chapter 2). Chapters 3 and 4 examine the patterns produced when looking at two site types: court hills and holy wells. These site types are considered in respect of their proximity to other site types, in particular, early Christian sites such as parish churches and chapels. The data produced from studying holy wells in the landscape is interesting in their apparent proximity to chapels and parish churches; however, it was limited by the lack of dating evidence for these elusive sites. Court hills, proved to be more interesting and their repeated proximity to parish churches, which mirrored the few previous studies, implied the parish churches had been deliberately placed to the court hills. This, in turn, begged the question, why? In the concluding chapter, the study considers the possibility that court hills continued to be important in a landscape of overarching, general and specific lordship. Patterns indicated a tendency towards the siting of parish churches beside court hills in the royal demesne and provincial lordships, which was less frequent in those of specific lordships. Similarly, there is the possibility that this might represent a form of shire, thought to have been previously unattested in the west of Scotland.

This thesis discusses the previously unstudied treatment of German civilian internees and prisoners of war taken from the German colonies by British and Dominion authorities during the First World War. Through this study the links between the First World War in the extra-European theatre and the conflict in Europe will be examined. Five key issues are posited for investigation. These are: the centralised internment policy of the British Empire, the effect of the takeover of German colonies on the cultural identity of the British dominions, the effect wartime captivity had on German settlers, what extra-European internment tells us about twentieth century mobility and warfare, and the integration of the extra-European theatre of the war into the overall Global War narrative. The establishment of a global camp system run from the British imperial metropole involved the coordination of the military, the Admiralty, Dominion governments, and the Colonial and Foreign Offices. The general principles of international law were followed but often overridden through the use of reprisals, and the notion of trying Germans for ‘war crimes’ had an impact far into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The First World War and the internment of German civilians and military prisoners in the extra-European theatre undermined the notion of a common European civilising mission in the colonial world. It upset the established colonial racial hierarchies, and through ‘enemy alien' legislation helped establish European hierarchies of race as defined by nationality, disrupting the pre-war world order of cultural globalisation. Through the analysis of German colonial settlers and soldiers in British internment, this thesis demonstrates that the First World War was not just a conflict between the European Great powers but that it also involved a world-wide remaking of ideas, institutions and geopolitics.

This thesis explores the personal, territorial/economic and spiritual networks of the Cantilupes and the Corbets, two families from different levels of the thirteenth century gentry. The Cantilupes were curiales; the Corbets were established Marchers who did not enter the king’s court. The study shows that each had a strong command of their respective power centres, yet the main branch of administrative Cantilupes deliberately pushed towards the Welsh March from King John’s reign onwards, while the Corbets, who were without the same networks of power and the consequent resources of these royal stewards, were also pushing for expansion within their own territory. This comparison illuminates the differences between these two families, neither of them great magnates per se, but both with strong links to the upper echelons of the aristocracy, and both with acquisitional and expansionist ambitions. The thesis identifies patterns of patronage and land-holding, and analyses their networks of relationships. Interaction between the two families is also considered, and the means by which family power and identity was represented and expressed are explored. The thesis concludes by identifying the common threads of a family strategy that, potentially, was followed by many thirteenth century gentry families of varying levels of social status. It considers the impact of the Welsh March on such strategies, and questions the ‘peripheral’ nature of such borderlands to those without Marcher territories.

This thesis is a chronological case study into the origins, operation and consequences of the Lib-Lab Pact 1977-1978. Cross-party co-operation in British politics since 1945 is assessed. David Steel’s election as Liberal Party leader, his political philosophy and strategy are examined. Concepts of realignment, ‘co-operation strategy’ are explored. The parliamentary and political events together with a detailed assessment of the inter-party negotiations which led the Pact are examined. New perspectives include: the significance of the leader-led nature of the negotiation process; the Labour-Ulster Unionist understanding which ran concurrent with the Pact; the importance of Lib-Lab discussions on devolution which pre-dated the Pact in influencing Steel’s subsequent decision-making. Analysis focuses on the Lib-Lab negotiations into if the Direct Elections to the European Parliament Bill should include a proportional voting system and whether the parliamentary Labour party should be compelled to vote for PR. A key finding of the thesis is that rather than allowing a free vote, as was agreed, the Prime Minister, James Callaghan, was prepared to offer the Liberals a ‘pay roll’ vote; the significance of Michael Foot in this process is also noted. The structure of the Lib-Lab consultative mechanism is reviewed. Case studies include a review of on Liberal policy influence on the Budget 1977 and 1978. The nature of intra-party dissent is reviewed with the difference between Labour and the Liberal parties noted. An examination of the serious internecine conflict is complemented by a reassessment of the role of Christopher Mayhew in this process. The Lib-Lab Pact is reviewed, assessing its affect in influencing Callaghan’s decision not to call a General Election in 1978; its influence on Liberal/Liberal Democrat party strategy, and its importance in the subsequent formation of the triple-lock, as such the thesis highlighting the Pacts relevance to subsequent cross-party understandings.