<p>Abstract</p><p>Växjö University, School of Social Sciences</p><p>Bachelor thesis</p><p>Title: Ansvaret för skolan – en studie om ansvarsfördelningen ur ett nyinstitutionalistiskt perspektiv</p><p>Author: Hanna Jansson</p><p>Supervisor: Conny Johannesson</p><p>The aim of the study is to investigate which ideas that dominated the official political debate concerning the responsibility distribution for the Swedish school from 1974 to 1991.</p><p>The study asks two questions: What ideas have dominated the official political debate concerning the responsibility distribution for the Swedish school from 1974 to 1991? and Why did the responsibility of the Swedish school change in 1991? In order to answer these questions an idea analysis were used. Three ideal types concerning democracy, effectivity and professionalism were used in analysing official governmental documents. The conclusion is that all three ideal types dominated the debate concerning the responsibility distribution, but in different degrees, and they can also explain why a new responsibility distribution came up in 1991.</p>

When the Soviet union collapsed at the beginning of the 1990s, a democratization began to develop. During the Jeltsin years, democracy in Russia was developing steadily, but since Putin became president at the turn of the century it has started to move back towards authoritarian rule. The purpose of this study is to explore the reasons for why the democracy in Russia never became consolidated and to understand why the country again has moved towards an authoritarian rule, like the one during the Soviet union. In order to fulfill the aim of this study, two theories were used. These were Linz and Stepan's consolidation theory, about the five arenas that have to be developed, and Samuel P. Huntington's theory about authoritarian nostalgia. In order to answer the questions that this study puts forward, these theories were used against empirical material about Russia. The results of the study show that Russia does not live up to the requirements in any of the five arenas and therefore could not possibly develop a consolidated democracy. It also seems as if the return to authoritarianism in Russia can be blamed on a combination of nostalgia for the Soviet union, which developed during the economic crisis of the 1990s, and an increasing nationalism amongst the population.

Atthe beginning of the 19th century, the world consisted of about ten democracies. During the 1990showever, more than 60 of the world's countries counted as democratized.Intherecent decades, the number of democracies in the world has increased by a great deal. Democracy is, in what Samuel P. Huntington describes in his book "The Third wave" its third democratization wave. The first wave started in 1828 and lasted for almost a hundred years. At the same time as thefirstwave slowed down, the first wave of oppression began with the start of the great depression of the 1920s. Atthe end of the Second World War, the second, and short-lived, democratization wave began. It lasted until the mid-1970s. The third, and lastwave,as described by Huntington,is the one that has been going on since 1974 until his book was publishedin 1991. In thisthird democratization wave, states went from having a non-democratic rule of law to a democratic system with free elections. Many countries went from being dictatorships to becoming democracies. In the opposing waves, fewer countries went from a democratic government to a more authoritativeonethan in the democratization waves. After the decolonization of the 1960s, the vast majority of African states had embraced authoritarian non-democratic governance and the continent was characterized by one-party states. One of the few countries that followed this wave of democratization was Ghana, a country that counts as a democratic highlightamong dictatorships and hybrid-regimes in the region. Ghana’s peaceful many transitions of powers since their democratization process began in the mid-1990sis standing out amongst their neighbors. What has caused Ghana to succeed? Can Huntington's third democratization wave say anythingabout the reason? And why have not more countries been democratically successful?

Can a nation without being an independent state reach democracy? According to some researchers a democratization process cannot happen without having an independent state with control over their own territories. The Kurdish people without a given state are divided between four authoritarian states in the Middle east and in opposite to its neighbors' have Kurds ambition to become democratic always existed. The purpose pf this thesis was to analyze if Iraqi Kurdistan is heading towards democracy and to find what the driving factors behind the democratization process are. The thesis used a qualitative text analysis approach with a complementary case study where the thesis focused on Larry Diamonds internal and external factors as a guiding instrument to determine what political mechanisms have driven Kurds and politicians' transition to democracy and peace. The analysis presented that authoritarian division, authoritarian development, free values, civil society, peaceful pressure and limits of sanctions and aid conditionally drove them. For answering the research problem, is a democratization processes possible for non-independent states? It is possible, Kurds in Iraq have so far accomplished to establish an electoral democracy, and a consolidated democracy is not impossible if legitimacy among politicians are increased and if freedom of expression is uncontrolled by politicians and if corruption decreases.

Med det ständigt ökande informationsflödet som träffar den svenska medborgaren varje dag, är det av stor vikt att kritiskt kunna filtrera informationen. Det är därför betydelsefullt att denna kritiska förmåga tidigt blir en del av skolgången. I denna litteraturstudie presenteras den pedagogiska metoden critical literacy. En metod med marxistiska anor, utformad till att ge läsaren verktyg att exponera dominanta strukturer i såväl text, som tal och bild. Det övergripande syftet är att fostra kritiskt tänkande individer, vilket är en förutsättning för ett demokratiskt samhälle. Empirin visar på utmaningar i att bryta mot tidigare pedagogik; att omfördela fokus från de nationella proven till kritisk reflektion, att flera lärare måste utbildas i critical literacy samt det faktum att kritisk granskning kan leda till insikter som upprör och skapar motstånd till de förändringar som följer. Möjligheterna och vinsten; nedbrytandet av förlegade, dominanta samhällsstrukturer och stärkandet av demokratin, talar för att utmaningarna är väl värda att möta.

This study examines Romania’s way from being a candidate country, to full membership in the European Union in January 2007. The main focus is how the EU has handled the Human Rights accusations directed towards Romania, particularly in the area of Child Protection. The case is analyzed by using a maximalistic definition of democracy, examining the importance of social rights in a country’s ongoing process of democratization. The results of the study reveal that the European Union, throughout the years of accession negotiations, has imposed much pressure on Romania to fulfill the EU-criteria. It is also apparent that while the European Union accepted Romania as a new member state, and considered these serious child abuses to be solved, many other international organizations are still critical. The concluding chapter analyses the findings of the study, actualizing the questions of whether the children’s situation have vitally been improved and if the Romanian process of democratization has reached its consolidating phase.

This study examines whether Tunisia's democratization process supports the developed expectation of Robert Dahl, Samuel P. Huntington or Seymour Lipset's theories of democratization during the period after the revolution of January 14, 2011 until the presidential election on September 15, 2019. The study thus examines if the Tunisian society to a greater extent, over time, is democratically governed. The study finds that the democratization of Tunisia is moving in a positive direction, but that political reforms, increased organized civil society, economic growth, limitation of political Islam and a clearer plan for how to deal with religious radicalism are needed to create an environment where democracy can be consolidated. The study also finds that Seymour Lipet's theory of democratization provides the best explanation.

Studien består av en idealtypsanalys av fyra historieläroböcker för svenska gymnasieskolan i syfte att undersöka om ett liberalt eller marxistiskt narrativ om införandet om allmän rösträtt dominerar i dessa. Den marxistiska idealtypen, baserad på strukturalist-marxistisk teori, visar sig stämma väl överens med böckernas narrativ. Den liberala idealtypen, baserad på moderniseringsteori, visar sig nästan inte över huvud taget stämma överens med böckernas narrativ.

This essay aims to examine how the democratization of Tunisia has taken place since the Arabic spring. It will also analyze how well the country qualifies as a consolidated democracy and what conflicts that have been the driving force of the democratization process. The essay is a qualitive case study and explores the years of 1987 to 2018. Moreover, it is supported by the democratization theory of Dankward A Rustow. The Arabic spring was a consequence of the high unemployment numbers, the poverty in the country and the discontent of the president’s approach of ruling. The road to the democracy has suffered from many difficulties due to influences of the previous authoritarian rule. The situation in Tunisia after the Arabic spring has been unstable and demonstrations in smaller scales has taken place. Today the country has free and fair elections regularly and 2014 a new constitution was introduced. However, people have not gained a better lifestyle from the democratization even though the democracy has flourished. Lastly, the Tunisian democracy is not yet consolidated and still needs to the implemented into the country’s laws and population.

The purpose of the study is to investigate if the presence of subcultural pluralism has affected Rwanda’s democratisation negatively. The study’s question is therefore: Are subcultural pluralism an explanation of Rwanda’s low degree of democracy? To answer this, I have chosen to do an explanatory case study and the study is theory consuming. The study’s theoretical framework consists of Robert A Dahls part theory about subcultural pluralism from his work Polyarchy. Other materials used in the study is secondary material which is used to describe Rwanda’s political history. Another important source is Freedom House “Freedom in the world”- reports about Rwanda from the period 1995-2019. The analysis shows that Rwanda do not meet Robert A Dahls three criteria’s about subcultural pluralism. If a country meets his criteria’s they have a good chance of democratization even though they have a high degree of subcultural pluralism. If the country does not meet his criteria’s they have a low chance to democratize. The study shows that Rwanda's leading party RPF has adopted several measures that have complicated the oppositions situation to operate in the country and Rwanda's subcultural groups hutu and twa are excluded from political processes. The result shows that Rwanda has low chances of democratisation. It also shows that subcultural pluralism is one explanation to the country’s low degree of democracy.