L’étude scientifique des réseaux criminels démontre, de plus en plus, que leur structure est flexible et dynamique et que la thèse du contrôle ou de la centralisation des marchés criminels est discutable. Pourtant, devant la présence d’une organisation criminelle dite «traditionnelle» dans un marché criminel, autant la population que les milieux médiatiques, politiques, policiers et judiciaires, peuvent percevoir le marché comme étant contrôlé par cette organisation. Le fait de surévaluer la menace réelle de certains groupes criminels et de considérer que la centralisation des marchés criminels existent au détriment de la collaboration entre différents individus et groupes d’un réseau, peut notamment influencer les stratégies policières. D’une part, les autorités policières peuvent orienter leurs stratégies en tenant pour acquis que la structure dont s’est doté une présumée organisation criminelle se transpose dans le marché criminel dans lequel ses membres opèrent. D’autre part, cette organisation devient la première cible des autorités et les autres participants du réseau se voient accorder une moins grande importance dans les activités du marché. La recherche qui suit présente les résultats d’une analyse de réseau effectuée à partir des transcriptions de surveillances électroniques et physiques issues d’une importante opération policière visant la lutte aux motards criminalisés : l’opération Printemps 2001. À l’aide de ces données, un réseau de 349 individus a été créé. Bien que la cible principale de l’opération policière ait été l’organisation des Hell’s Angels, plus précisément, le chapitre Nomads et son club-école, les Rockers, d’autres groupes et d’autres individus ont été interceptés par les surveillances policières. Il ressort des analyses de la position occupée par l’ensemble des groupes et des individus identifiés, que les principales cibles des autorités policières n’étaient pas celles qui occupaient les positions les plus stratégiques pour être influentes et durer dans la portion du marché ciblée par l’opération. / The scientific study of criminal networks reveals that their structure is flexible and dynamic and that the thesis supporting the control or the centralization of the criminal markets are at the least debatable. Nevertheless when a «traditional» criminal organization is active in a criminal market, the people, the media, the politicians, the police force and the judiciary tend to perceive that the market is under the control of that organization. In over-evaluating the real threat posed by certain criminal groups and in considering that there is a centralization of the criminal markets held by a known criminal organization, police strategy is biased and underscores the importance and influence of other individuals or groups of persons within the criminal market. Police strategy is then oriented in thinking that the structure of a criminal organization is transposed in the criminal market wherein its members operate. Consequently, the organization becomes the main target of the authorities and giving less attention to the other actors in the activities of the market. The following research paper presents the results of a network analysis taking its main sources from transcripts of electronic and physical surveillance collected during an important police operation against criminal bikers in the Province of Québec, Canada, and known as Operation Springtime 2001. From these transcripts, a network of 349 individuals was created. Though, the Hells Angels organization and more precisely the Nomads Chapter and its farm team, the Rockers, were the main targets of the police operation, other groups and individuals were also intercepted by police surveillance. After analysis of the position occupied by all the groups and individual that were identified it became apparent that the main target of the police authorities were not those who held the most strategic positions to exercise influence and last in the market under examination by the operation Operation Springtime 2001.

Même si la coopération policière transnationale est l’objet ces dernières années d’un engouement souvent attribué à des vertus d’efficacité, il reste que relativement peu d’informations sont disponibles sur le processus en lui-même. L’objectif général de la thèse était de fournir une analyse englobant à la fois les préoccupations des autorités politiques et celles des acteurs judiciaires et policiers. Ces acteurs occupent tous des rôles nécessaires dans le système de la coopération policière transnationale, mais outre cette constatation, les études à leur sujet ne se recoupent pas véritablement. C’est donc dire que, d’une part, les études sur les acteurs politiques se concentrent sur les décisions prises par ceux-ci, sur l’élaboration de concepts et sur la signature de conventions. D’autre part, les études sur les acteurs policiers et judiciaires mettent l’accent sur le déroulement quotidien des activités policières transnationales et sur ce qui s’ensuit, c’est-à-dire les procédures judiciaires. À l’aide de concepts tels que la discrétion et la souplesse, la familiarité, la confiance, la méfiance, le scepticisme et l’évitement, nous tentons de rallier les récents concepts de reconnaissance mutuelle et de confiance mutuelle avec ce qui se passe effectivement dans le monde opérationnel. La thèse, qui s’intéresse principalement à la coopération policière transnationale en matière de trafic de drogues, s’appuie sur deux types de données. Tout d’abord, des entrevues qualitatives semi-dirigées ont été menées auprès de 21 policiers et procureurs. Ensuite, une analyse documentaire a été effectuée sur des documents canadiens, soit les sept jurisprudences sur l’extranéité et un guide rédigé par un procureur à l’intention des enquêteurs œuvrant dans les enquêtes. Nous allons présenter rapidement les résultats les plus importants de la thèse. Dans le premier chapitre, il a été question de deux niveaux de structures de pouvoir, qui n’évoluent pas en vases clos, mais qui s’influencent mutuellement. C’est dire que le levier d’influence des acteurs étatiques sur les acteurs du policing transnational peut être relativement puissant, mais que des parades peuvent toujours être utilisées par les policiers dans des cas spécifiques. Nadelmann (1993) avait raison lorsqu’il a soutenu qu’une norme adoptée au niveau transnational n’est pas nécessairement utile à la réalisation des objectifs communs des États, c’est-à-dire l’immobilisation des criminels. La norme est le produit d’une négociation politique et d’un jeu de pouvoir. Au final, elle n’influe pas énormément sur les décisions prises par les policiers dans les enquêtes à composantes transnationales. Au mieux, elle est un guide de règles à ne pas violer ouvertement et impunément. De plus, alors que les pays et les organisations utilisent un système de récompense, d’incitatifs ou de menace de sanctions pour favoriser la coopération policière transnationale en vu d’une participation à une enquête à composantes transnationales, les individus qui travaillent dans les enquêtes à composantes transnationales utilisent la familiarité et valorisent la confiance comme moyen pour établir et maintenir des liens. Ces individus ne peuvent pas s’obliger entre eux, alors qu’il existe la possibilité d’imposer des sanctions réelles entre acteurs étatiques. Il s’agit donc de deux niveaux d’analyse, dans lesquelles la configuration des relations est différente. Dans le deuxième chapitre d’analyse, nous avons examiné les jurisprudences canadiennes et le guide d’un procureur à l’intention des policiers, ce qui nous a amené à constater la discrétion laissée par les agents judiciaires aux policiers travaillant au sein d’enquêtes à composantes transnationales. En fait, nous avons trouvé que les agents judiciaires sont conscients des difficultés des enquêtes à composantes transnationales et qu’ils sont plus flexibles dans ces cas que dans les enquêtes nationales. Le troisième chapitre d’analyse a montré que de nombreux moyens sont à la disposition des agents de l’enquête, et qu’une certaine logique sous-tendait les choix des policiers. Plus particulièrement, c’est la gestion des incertitudes, la nature de l’information et son utilisation envisagée qui importe pour les agents de l’enquête à composantes transnationale. Finalement, le dernier chapitre d’analyse illustre les différents types de relations entretenues entre agents de l’enquête. Nous avons trouvé que le scepticisme est prépondérant mais que la coopération demeure le plus souvent possible, lorsque les acteurs ont des intérêts en commun. Une certaine familiarité entre les acteurs est nécessaire, mais la confiance n’est pas toujours essentielle à la mise en œuvre des activités policières transnationales. En fait, cela dépend du niveau d’échanges nécessaires et du contexte. Gambetta (1988) avait d’ailleurs montré qu’une structure sociale relativement stable puisse se maintenir dans un contexte généralisé de méfiance. / In recent years, transnational police cooperation has been the subject of much attention, often with a prioritization on efficiency. However, relatively little information is available on the process itself. The main objective of the thesis is to formulate an analytical framework that integrates the concerns of political authorities and those of judicial and law-enforcement actors. Past research has illustrated that such actors are all pivotal in the transnational police cooperation system. Yet, in spite of such findings, researchers have generally approached this setting without placing the consistent overlap and interactions between such actors at the forefront. This has left us with a separate set of studies on political actors and the decisions taken by them in regard to the development of concepts and the signing of agreements and studies on police and judicial actors that are more concerned with the daily conduct of transnational policing and what follows (i.e., court proceedings). Using concepts and terms such as discretion, flexibility, familiarity, (dis)trust, scepticism, and avoidance, this thesis proposes an integrative framework designed to rally more recent concepts of mutual recognition and mutual trust with what actually happens in real life police operations. The study focuses primarily on transnational drug trafficking cases within the Canadian context and is based on two types of data. First, qualitative interviews were conducted with 21 police investigators and prosecutors. Next, a content analysis was performed on seven jurisprudences on transnational cases and a guide written by an attorney for investigators. The most important results of the thesis are presented here. In the first chapter, two power structures that are in constant interaction are revealed. Such interaction illustrates that the lever of influence of state actors on transnational policing actors can be quite powerful, but facades can still be used by police officers in specific cases. This supports Nadelmann (1993), who argued that a standard adopted at the transnational level is not necessarily helpful to achieve the common goal of states, which is to contain and immobilize offenders. The norm is the product of political negotiations and an ongoing power struggle, which, in the end, does not have a strong influence on the decisions taken by the police in transnational investigations. At best, formal agreements between states serve as an impunity guide for police actors on what not to violate openly. Furthermore, as countries and organizations use a system of rewards, incentives or threats of sanctions to promote cooperation in transnational policing, individuals working in transnational investigations uses familiarity and trust as a means to establish and maintain relationships. These individuals cannot bind themselves. On the contrary, there is the possibility to impose real sanctions between state actors. This problem is approached with two levels of analysis that reveal different relational patterns. In the second chapter of analysis, Canadian jurisprudence and a prosecutorial guide that was written for investigators are examined. These documents demonstrate the discretion left by judicial actors on those working in transnational police investigations. In fact, we found that judicial actors are well aware of the difficulties related to transnational investigations. They are more flexible in those cases than in national investigations. The third chapter pursues such discretion and highlights the many paths available to police actors involved in transnational cooperation. In particular, it is the management of uncertainty, the nature of information and its intended use that are important to them. Finally, the last chapter of analysis assesses the different types of relationships maintained between actors in transnational investigations. We found that, while scepticism overrides most relationships, cooperation continues as often as possible, at least when actors have interests in common. A level of familiarity between actors is necessary, but trust is not always essential to achieve transnational policing. In fact, it depends on the requested level of exchanges and in the context and is consistent with previous work by Gambetta (1988), who shows that even in a generalized context of distrust, a relatively stable social structure can maintain itself.

Orientador: Luis Fernando Ayerbe / Banca: Rafael Duarte Villa / Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com Unesp/Unicamp/ Puc-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo fazer uma análise da política estratégica dos Estados Unidos para a América do Sul, do governo Clinton ao governo Bush. O trabalho versa sobre os principais temas que configuram as abordagens estratégicas norte-americanas para a região, dentro de um contexto mais amplo das mudanças pelas quais passaram a segurança internacional no final da guerra fria. Os Estados Unidos, ao não mais encontrarem no sistema internacional um adversário tradicional ou compatível com seus delineamentos estratégicos, tiveram que redesenhar e redefinir suas prioridades para a segurança nacional. Dessa forma, ameaças transnacionais foram, gradualmente, abordadas como uma das novas prioridades para garantir a segurança nacional do país. Com relação à América do Sul, partindo das estratégias norte-americanas para o Hemisfério Ocidental, os temas elencados nas políticas para a região são: o tráfico de drogas, a promoção da democracia, abertura de mercados, tráfico e produção de drogas, corrupção, lavagem de dinheiro e terrorismo. Estes temas percorreram todos os planejamentos estratégicos do governo Clinton, através de sua agenda multilateral, dentro do contexto da estratégia de Engajamento e Expansão, a qual buscou vincular os países aos temas sensíveis à sua segurança nacional, através de vários encontros Hemisféricos. No caso da América Latina, as Cúpulas das Américas e suas reuniões específicas, como as Reuniões de Ministros de Defesa das Américas, foram meios de se obter esta vinculação política. Estes temas permaneceram presentes no governo George W. Bush, entretanto, a abordagem estratégica para a região enfatizou a possível ligação entre estas questões presentes, como o tráfico de drogas, lavagem de dinheiro e corrupção; ao terrorismo internacional, o qual sobe ao topo das prioridades da política estratégica norte-americana / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the strategic policy of the United States to South America, from the Clinton administration to the Bush administration. This paper discusses major issues that shape strategic approaches within the U.S. for the region within a broader context of changes which came to international security at the end of the Cold War. The United States, which no longer met in the international system a traditional adversary compatible with its strategic designs, had to redesign and redefine its priorities for national security. Thus, transnational threats have been gradually addressed as one of the new priorities to ensure national security of the country. Regarding South America, departing from North American strategies for the Western Hemisphere, the topics listed in the strategic policies for the region are: drug trafficking, maintenance of democracy, open markets, trafficking and drug production, corruption, money laundering and terrorism. These subjects went through all the strategic plans of the Clinton administration, through its multilateral agenda, within the context of the Strategy of Engagement and Expansion, which sought to bind the countries to sensitive issues to its national security through various hemispheric meetings. In the case of Latin America, the Summits of the Americas and its specific meetings such as the Meetings of Ministers of Defense of the Americas were ways to get this linking policy. These themes remained present under the George W. Bush's administration, however, the strategic approach to the region emphasized the possible link between these issues in the region, such as drug trafficking, money laundering and corruption, to international terrorism, which rises to the top of the priorities of US strategic policy / Mestre

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and bound on the northeast by Eritrea and Djibouti, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya and on the west and north-west by Sudan. In a 2003 report, the Ethiopia Central Statistical Authority (2003:24) estimated the population of Ethiopia to be 71,066,000. The Ethiopian economy is mainly based on agriculture, which contributes 47% to GNP and more than 80% of exports and employs 85% of the population. Ethiopia nowadays governs under a federal system and due to the governance system there are nine regional states in the country, which are composed of specific ethnic groups. The regional states, which have a significant degree of autonomy, are Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somalia, Benshangul-Gumaz, Gambela, Harar and the Southern Nations, nationalities and peoples, which comprise about 41 ethnic groups. Hence, the structure of the police service in the country follows the characteristics of the federal system. Accordingly, the regional states have their own police service, which is responsible to the regional states and at the federal government level, the Federal Police Service (FPS) is responsible to federal government. / Police Practice / M.Tech. (Policing)

OLIVEIRA , Juliana e Silva de. Novas fronteiras do trabalho: vivências à margem dos trabalhadores do tráfico de drogas. 2009. 138 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Psicologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Psicologia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Psicologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2009. / Submitted by moises gomes (celtinha_malvado@hotmail.com) on 2012-01-23T11:51:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_JESDOliveira.PDF: 2222944 bytes, checksum: cddd9fc8cacd2023410caaf9c060b058 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-03-08T12:42:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_JESDOliveira.PDF: 2222944 bytes, checksum: cddd9fc8cacd2023410caaf9c060b058 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-03-08T12:42:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_JESDOliveira.PDF: 2222944 bytes, checksum: cddd9fc8cacd2023410caaf9c060b058 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / This work aims to bring an understanding about the experiences of workers facing the reality of the jobs of atypical forms of work, according to the wage model, considered in a position beyond the edge of the society. More specifically, we aim to make a survey on drug workers, in relation to their position of marginality, considering the importance of their financial gain. We initiated this study discusses the changes in the capitalist system, from new forces of domination, which brings as a consequence some changes in ways of managing the work, spreading the flexibility and reduction, which in turn has justified the emergence of occupations increasingly atypical of insertion. From the vision of production of subjectivity through social practices, we can see that the restructuring process of production interferes with the formation of workers in the contemporary, governed by the principles of consumption. Based on this context, we tried to investigate the working conditions of employees in the drug trade. We observed that this occupation also follows the logic of capital and it comes in response to economic marginalization, working as an illegal alternative to the mass of workers who can not find a legal insertion. Track this theoretical path, we follow for the conduct of qualitative research with five employees of the drug trade in two neighborhoods of the city of Fortaleza. We conducted semi-directed interviews that were submitted to a semantic analysis of content. The contents were organized into four categories, for teaching purpose only, to facilitate understanding of the data: reasons for insertion and permanence, the meanings attributed to work, organization of work in drug traffic, consumption and limited integration. From the analysis we can say that drug trafficking is a complex category and brings contradictions, as is in a position of marginality, but ends up corresponding, due to gains it provides, to a means of recognition, at least at the level of consumption. However, this inset shows is limited, approximate idea of the concept of marginal insertion of Castel (1998), because workers in such activity still experiencing a marginal situation, before the restriction of social participation of certain groups and against the collective context wider society. / O presente trabalho visa trazer uma compreensão sobre a vivência de trabalhadores frente à realidade do processo de inserção laboral de formas atípicas de trabalho, segundo o modelo salarial, consideradas em uma posição à margem da sociedade. Mais especificamente, temos o objetivo de fazer uma pesquisa exploratória sobre os trabalhadores do tráfico de drogas frente à sua posição de marginalidade, levando em consideração a importância de seus ganhos financeiros. Damos início a este estudo discutindo sobre as mutações do sistema capitalista, a partir de novas forças de dominação, que traz como conseqüência algumas reformulações nas formas de gerir o trabalho, disseminando a flexibilidade e a precarização, que por sua vez tem justificado o aparecimento de ocupações cada vez mais atípicas de inserção. Partindo da visão de produção de subjetividade por meio das práticas sociais, percebemos que esse processo de reestruturação produtiva interfere na constituição dos trabalhadores na contemporaneidade, regida pelos princípios do consumo. Com base nessa contextualização, tentamos investigar as realidades laborais dos trabalhadores do tráfico de drogas. Observamos que tal ocupação também obedece à lógica do capital e que surge em resposta à marginalidade econômica, funcionando como uma alternativa ilegal à massa de trabalhadores que não consegue uma inserção legal. Traçado esse percurso teórico, seguimos para a realização da pesquisa qualitativa com cinco trabalhadores do tráfico de drogas de dois bairros da cidade de Fortaleza. Realizamos entrevistas semi-dirigidas que foram submetidas a uma análise semântica de conteúdo. Os conteúdos foram organizados em quatro categorias, para efeito meramente didático, com o intuito de facilitar a compreensão dos dados: motivos de inserção e permanência, os significados atribuídos ao trabalho, organização do trabalho no tráfico de drogas, consumo e a inserção limitada. A partir das análises, podemos dizer que o tráfico de drogas é uma categoria complexa e traz contradições, visto que se encontra em uma posição de marginalidade, mas acaba correspondendo, devido aos ganhos que proporciona, a um meio de reconhecimento e inserção, pelo menos ao nível do consumo. No entanto, tal inserção mostra-se limitada, idéia aproximada com o conceito de inserção marginal de Castel (1998), pois os trabalhadores de tal atividade continuam vivenciando uma situação marginal, ante a restrição de participação social de determinados grupos e coletivos frente ao contexto mais amplo da sociedade.

Trata-se de estudo sobre a política de criminalização imposta aos jovens residentes das comunidades carentes do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Pretende-se identificar as visões antagônicas sobre essa questão e as discussões sobre o aumento do uso de drogas, associado à criminalidade e ao interesse de amplos setores da sociedade no combate a esse consumo e ao tráfico. Destacam-se os motivos que pressionam o Estado a construir uma política de combate às drogas, assim como a economia da droga influenciando e determinando os rumos de uma mentalidade que persegue uma eficácia questionável de consumo zero de drogas nas sociedades. Para melhor entendimento dessa questão, pretende-se examinar a influência da política norte-americana antidrogas numa economia globalizada. A análise está fundamentada nos estudos teóricos sobre economia das drogas, redução de danos e na legislação brasileira. Também foram consideradas as fontes orais, extraídas de discursos de parlamentares e especialistas em criminalização de comportamentos transgressores sociais. Os relatos, retirados de periódicos, discursos e entrevistas, receberam a forma de texto-relato, seguindo os métodos utilizados pelas Ciências Sociais. / This is a study on the criminalization politics imposed on young residents of poor communities in the State of Rio de Janeiro. It is intended to identify the opposing views on this issue and discussions on the increasing use of drugs, the associated crime and the interest of broad sectors of society in combating this trafficking and consumption. Noteworthy are the reasons that push the state to build a policy to combat drugs, and the drug economy influencing and determining the direction of a mindset that pursues a questionable efficacy of zero consumption of drugs in society. To better understand this issue, we intend to examine the influence of U.S. antidrug policy in a globalized economy. The analysis is based on theoretical studies on economics of drugs, harm reduction and Brazilian law. Also considered were oral sources, taken from speeches of parliamentarians and experts on criminalization of offensive social behavior. The reports, drawn from journals, speeches and interviews, given the form of text-report, following the methods used by the Social Sciences.

Trata-se de estudo sobre a política de criminalização imposta aos jovens residentes das comunidades carentes do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Pretende-se identificar as visões antagônicas sobre essa questão e as discussões sobre o aumento do uso de drogas, associado à criminalidade e ao interesse de amplos setores da sociedade no combate a esse consumo e ao tráfico. Destacam-se os motivos que pressionam o Estado a construir uma política de combate às drogas, assim como a economia da droga influenciando e determinando os rumos de uma mentalidade que persegue uma eficácia questionável de consumo zero de drogas nas sociedades. Para melhor entendimento dessa questão, pretende-se examinar a influência da política norte-americana antidrogas numa economia globalizada. A análise está fundamentada nos estudos teóricos sobre economia das drogas, redução de danos e na legislação brasileira. Também foram consideradas as fontes orais, extraídas de discursos de parlamentares e especialistas em criminalização de comportamentos transgressores sociais. Os relatos, retirados de periódicos, discursos e entrevistas, receberam a forma de texto-relato, seguindo os métodos utilizados pelas Ciências Sociais. / This is a study on the criminalization politics imposed on young residents of poor communities in the State of Rio de Janeiro. It is intended to identify the opposing views on this issue and discussions on the increasing use of drugs, the associated crime and the interest of broad sectors of society in combating this trafficking and consumption. Noteworthy are the reasons that push the state to build a policy to combat drugs, and the drug economy influencing and determining the direction of a mindset that pursues a questionable efficacy of zero consumption of drugs in society. To better understand this issue, we intend to examine the influence of U.S. antidrug policy in a globalized economy. The analysis is based on theoretical studies on economics of drugs, harm reduction and Brazilian law. Also considered were oral sources, taken from speeches of parliamentarians and experts on criminalization of offensive social behavior. The reports, drawn from journals, speeches and interviews, given the form of text-report, following the methods used by the Social Sciences.

The article addresses the relationship between drug trafficking and subnational politics having as unit of analysis the local authorities’ speeches of the Cuzco districts of Kimbiri and Pichari form 2006 to 2010 Based in a qualitative methodology but backed by a pair of statistical tests, it is found that candidates and then authorities have a dualistic perspective about the cultivation of coca leafs, which is directed mostly to the production of cocaine Thus, also the radicalism in the defense of coca leaf is not constant in time, but rather strategic and casual Last, based on model proposal about drug trafficking networks of influence, we conclude that the closer this illegal economic activity is at the authorities, these have an ambiguous and contradictory speech on the issue / El artículo aborda la relación del narcotráfico con la política subnacional teniendo por unidad de análisis los discursos de las autoridades municipales de los distritos cusqueños de Kimbiri y Pichari de 2006 a 2010 En base a una metodología cualitativa pero respaldada de un par de pruebas estadísticas se comprueba que los candidatos y luego autoridades no tienen una perspectiva dualista sobre el cultivo de hoja de coca cuya producción se dirige en su mayoría a la producción de cocaína Así también la radicalidad en la defensa de la hoja de coca no es constante en el tiempo, sino más bien estratégica y ocasional Por último, en base a un modelo propuesto sobre las redes de influencia del narcotráfico, se concluye que mientras más cercana se encuentre esta actividad económica ilegal a las autoridades, estas tendrán un discurso ambiguo y contradictorio sobre el tema / O artigo aborda a relação do narcotráfico com a política subnacional tendo a unidade deanalise aos discursos das autoridades municipais dos distritos cusqueños de Kimbiri e Pichari dos anos 2006 aos 2010 Na base duma metodologia qualitativa, mas apoiada de duas provas estadísticas se podem comprovar o que os candidatos e logo as autoridades, não tem uma perspectiva dualista sobre o cultivo da folha de coca o que sua produção dirige, maiormente a produção da cocaína Da mesma forma, a defensa radical da folha de coca não é constante no tempo, mas é estratégica e ocasional Finalmente, na base dum modelo proposto sobre as redes de influência do narcotráfico, pode-se concluir que se a atividade econômica ilegal fica per todas autoridades, elas tem um discurso duvidoso e com contradições sobre o tema

Over the last four decades organized crime groups, particularly, drug trafficking organizations or drug cartels, have managed to be under the spotlight of the security agendas of American countries such as Colombia and the United States. During the last two decades, however, the global securitization of the drug trafficking issue, has led them to become a major security threat not only for the Americas, but also for Europe and more recently for West African countries. These organizations pose a threat not only to the security of the state, but to the very essence of it, by corrupting and damaging everything they come in contact with at the political, social, economical and even cultural level. This graduate thesis presents an analysis on Latin American drug trafficking organizations or drugs cartels, as they are commonly known, focusing on the cases of Colombian and Mexican drug cartels. By comparing these two case studies, I suggest that today's Mexican drug trafficking organizations have gained their momentum and incommensurable strength by following the footsteps of the big three Colombian drug cartels that existed between the 1980s and 1990s. The first chapter will expose the definitions and concepts surrounding the research of organized crime. In the second and third chapters, both the...

This study was conducted in order to gain a better understanding of the phenomenon of drug trafficking with specific reference as to how South African drug mules are used in crossborder drug smuggling. Through media analysis, semi-structured interviews with drug trafficking experts and a literature study the researcher was able to make findings and recommendations as per the objectives of the study. The objectives of the study included examining how drug mules smuggle drugs across South African borders; what role drug mules play in drug trafficking syndicates and the motivations and reasons why South Africans are increasingly being recruited as drug mules. The researcher also attempted to determine the nature and extent of the drug demand supply in and to South Africa. By making the deduction that drug demand and drug supply are interrelated the researcher was ultimately able to conclude that drug mules will continue to engage in drug smuggling as long as there is a demand for drugs and readily available drug supply routes to and from a county. From the media reports analysed cocaine, methamphetamine and heroin were the drugs most smuggled by South African drug mules. It is also clear from the media reports that cocaine and methamphetamine are smuggled in the largest quantities by South African drug mules. The quantities of heroin found in the possession of South African drug mules were insignificantly small. This contradicts treatment centre data analysed that indicated heroin and methamphetamine users were almost double in numbers in comparison to cocaine users being treated at centres. Most South African drug mules are used to smuggle drugs to the cocaine markets in Europe and South Africa; the cannabis/marijuana (herb) market in Europe; the cannabis (resin) hashish market in Canada and the United States of America; the crystal methamphetamine market in the Far East (largely Japan and Korea) and the heroin market in South Africa. Using criminology theories as a basis, the researcher attempted to describe why people are vulnerable to being recruited as drug mules. Findings concluded that structural factors such as poverty and unemployment and substance abuse-related problems, particularly in marginalised and disadvantaged communities, all contribute to South Africans becoming drug mules. Recommendations by the researcher focused on identifying specific vulnerabilities associated with drug mule recruiting and its consideration in legislation relating to drug trafficking in South Africa. The recommendations focus on the specific prosecution of drug abusers, drug mules, drug distributors and drug mule recruiters. Lastly it is projected by the researcher that the drug demand in South Africa will continue to increase if the drug supply routes and drug smuggling operations by syndicates are not addressed more firmly / Criminology / M.A. (Criminology)