This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the reasons for the growth of large scale labour migration from Ratnagiri district during the nineteenth century. It is argued firstly that for an understanding of the origins of migration from Ratnagiri it is necessary to investigate the socio-economic structure of the district, since exogenous demand for labour cannot explain many aspects of the pattern of migration from Ratnagiri, nor can it explain the high rate of migration compared to other areas with similar access to labour markets. It is argued that regional and gender patterns of migration from Ratnagiri can be partly explained by the structure of demand for labour within the district; but that the scale of migration can most convincingly be explained in terms of the acute poverty of sections of the rural population. It is argued that this poverty cannot be ascribed to demographic pressure in the early nineteenth century, since population in the district did not rise rapidly until migration was already underway. It is instead suggested that the poverty of many cultivators in the earlier nineteenth century was an outcome of the spread of a village zamindari system in Ratnagiri during the late eighteenth century, the impact of which was intensified by legal changes introduced under British rule; the consequent concentration of landholding in the hands of the village zamindars led to higher exactions on the lower caste cultivators, which stimulated emigration in the mid nineteenth century. Furthermore, it is suggested that the land tenure system was at the root of the problems of agricultural development which the district faced later in the nineteenth century. When population rose In the mid nineteenth century, the extension of cultivation put pressure on the fragile ecology of the district, which led to rapid deforestation and falling yields per acre. it is argued that though cultivation intensified In Ratnagiri during the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the output per head nonetheless probably fell, and the system of land tenure discouraged the adoption of many strategies which might have raised output per head, thus perpetuating the poverty which, it is argued, lay at the root of out-migration from Ratnagiri.

This thesis analyzes the activities and conditions of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon within the framework of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the political developments in Lebanon. Their relations with the Lebanese state and public and their role in the domestic and regional political developments are discussed along with the roles of the outside actors such as Israel and Syria. In addition, the role of the UNRWA in Lebanon is analyzed from a historical perspective as an attempt to give a complete picture of the context surrounding the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The study shows that the Lebanese state totally rules out the resettlement of the Palestinian refugees because of sectarian and economic reasons and implements restrictive policies to prevent their resettlement. The legacy of the Civil War and the post-War problems in Lebanon are additional factors for the rejectionist policies of the Lebanese state. In the regional context, Syria has been the most important actor in Lebanon. It is found that Syria has total control of the Lebanese politics and Palestinian politics in Lebanon. Regarding the UNRWA, it is concluded that the Agency has operated as a quasi-state organ for refugees but the financial difficulties and its mandate prevents it to improve the conditions of refugees. The Agency has been very crucial for the refugees in Lebanon because the refugee community in this country is totally dependent on the Agency service.

This thesis charts the stakeholder communities, physical environment and daily life of two little studied Qādiriyya Sufi shrines associated with Shaikh ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī (1077 – 1165 AD), a 12th century Ḥanbalī Muslim theologian and the posthumous founder of one of the oldest Sufi orders in Islam. The first shrine is based in Baghdad and houses his burial chamber; and the second shrine, on the outskirts of the city of ‘Aqra in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, is that of his son Shaikh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (died 1206 AD). The latter was also known for lecturing in Ḥanbalī theology in the region, and venerated for this as well as his association with Shaikh ʿAbd al-Qādir. Driven by the research question “What shapes the identity orientations of these two Qādiriyya Sufi shrines in modern times?” the findings presented here are the result of field research carried out between November 2009 and February 2014. This field research revealed a complex context in which the two shrines existed and interacted, influenced by both Sufi and non-Sufi stakeholders who identified with and accessed these shrines to satisfy a variety of spiritual and practical needs, which in turn influenced the way each considered and viewed the two shrines from a number of orientations. These overlapping orientations include the Qādirī Sufi entity and the resting place of its patron saint; the orthodox Sunnī mosque with its muftī-imams, who are employed by the Iraqi government; the local Shīʿa community’s neighbourhood saint’s shrine and its destination for spiritual and practical aid; and the local provider of welfare to the poor of the city (soup kitchen, funeral parlour and electricity-generation amongst other services). The research findings also revealed a continuously changing and adapting Qādirī Sufi scene not immune from the national and regional socio-religio-political environments in which the two shrines exist: a non-Sufi national political class vying to influence and manipulate these shrines for their own purposes; and powerful national sectarian factions jostling to do the same. The mixture of stakeholders using and associating with the two shrines were found to be influential shapers of these entities, both physically and spiritually. Through encountering and interacting with each other, most stakeholders contributed to maintaining and rejuvenating the two shrines, but some also sought to adapt and change them driven by their particular orientation’s perspective.

This thesis investigates the civic life of a Balinese community in the context of ritual activities and traditions taking place in a coastal village, tracing relationships between ritual itinerary and topography, and highlighting the tensions and conflicts that have emerged between these ritual practices and recent developments in tourism. In the context of the littoral regions of Bali, the concept of the civic realm serves as a broad framework of the research which focuses on the village of Kuta. The choice of Kuta Village for this investigation was based on the following criteria: 1. the historical importance of the village, 2. its significance as a known tourist destination, and 3. its urban/coastal complexity. In order to address the relationships between these three criteria, the research adopted a mixed method approach, incorporating a range of quantitative and qualitative material. Participants in the research project are all, in various ways, stakeholders in the future of Kuta Village who are involved in the usage, monitoring and management of the beaches, including environmentalists. From the perspective of an outsider visiting Kuta Village, there seems to be little evidence of conflict between the local community’s ritual traditions and tourist activities in both the village and on the beaches. However, underlying this apparent tranquillity a rather different situation emerges, which concerns the sometimes conflicting interests of three parties; hotel companies, the community of environmental supporters, and the government. This conflict, which is manifested in disputes over claims of territorial ownership and control, is in danger of leading to long term negative impacts on the social life and beach environment. Furthermore, initial investigations of the key issues, arising from this conflict, suggests that a significant part of the problem is due to a combination of unplanned tourist development, weak management, ineffective law enforcement and the effect of beach erosion. Due to these negative impacts, and their implications on the civic life of the community, this thesis aims to initiate discussions for a revised planning and design strategy for Kuta Village in order to achieve a more balanced relationship among ecological needs, custody of the civic realm and a sustained development in tourism. Such a strategy aims, ultimately, to improve understanding of the key challenges facing the town for benefit of practitioners, planners, government bodies and academia.

Peixoto, A. A. T. Detecção multiusuário baseada em tensores para sistemas de comunicação sem fio cooperativos. 2017. 115 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Engenharia Elétrica e da Computação) - Campus de Sobral, Universidade Federal do Ceará, Sobral, 2017. / Submitted by Programa de Pós-Graduação Engenharia Elétrica e de Computação (secretaria_ppgeec@sobral.ufc.br) on 2017-08-14T13:53:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_aatpeixoto.pdf: 1646922 bytes, checksum: a562da60d08daac64247b2013ca22436 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Djeanne Costa (djeannecosta@gmail.com) on 2017-08-17T11:50:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_aatpeixoto.pdf: 1646922 bytes, checksum: a562da60d08daac64247b2013ca22436 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-17T11:50:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_aatpeixoto.pdf: 1646922 bytes, checksum: a562da60d08daac64247b2013ca22436 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07 / Signal processing applications in wireless communications may sometimes take advantage of multilinear algebra concepts. This can be done by modeling the signals as high order tensors. From this context, tensor decompositions such as the Parallel Factor analysis (PARAFAC), may be found useful. On the other hand, cooperative communications and Multiple-Input Multiple-Output (MIMO) systems are ways for granting better data rates, capacity, fading mitigation and coverage. Joining the signal processing capabilities of tensor algebra, MIMO and cooperative communications can bring great benefits in wireless communications systems. In this dissertation, two receivers are proposed for two system models that are a multiuser DS-CDMA (Direct-Sequence Code-Division Multiple-Access) uplink based on multirelay cooperative communications. The two system models are almost the same, except that in one of them, multiuser interference is considered at the relays. The Amplify-and-Forward (AF) protocol is used on all the relays, thus exploiting cooperative diversity. For the received signal of the first system model, a quadrilinear PARAFAC decomposition will be adopted and by doing so, the proposed tensor-based semi-blind receiver can jointly estimate the transmitted symbols, channel gains and spatial signatures of all users by assuming previous knowledge of the users spreading codes and a few transmitted symbols. For the second system model, multiuser interference is considered at the relays, then, a receiver based on a trilinear PARAFAC decomposition is proposed. The estimation of the second receiver is done in two phases with the first phase being a supervised stage where non-orthogonal training sequences are sent by all users. During the second phase, the users' data symbols are then estimated. Both receivers use the Alternating Least Squares (ALS) algorithm to fit the tensor models, assuming no channel state information (CSI) at the base station neither at the relays. With computational simulations, we will also provide performance evaluation of the proposed receivers for various cases and system variations. / As aplicações de processamento de sinal em sistemas de comunicações sem fio às vezes podem tirar proveito de conceitos de álgebra multilinear. Isso pode ser feito modelando os sinais como tensores de ordem elevada. Neste contexto, as decomposições tensoriais, tais como a análise de fatores paralelos (Parallel Facor - PARAFAC), podem ser úteis. Por outro lado, as comunicações cooperativas e a área de sistemas de múltiplas-entradas e múltiplas-saídas (Multiple-Input Multiple-Ouput - MIMO) são uma maneira de se alcançar melhores taxas de dados, capacidade, qualidade de transmissão e cobertura. Juntando-se as capacidades de processamento de sinal da álgebra tensorial, dos sistemas MIMO e das comunicações cooperativas, podemos obter grandes benefícios nos sistemas de comunicações sem fio. Nesta dissertação, dois receptores são propostos para dois modelos de sistema, que são o enlace reverso de um sistema DS-CDMA multiusuário baseado em comunicações cooperativas auxiliadas por múltiplos retransmissores. Os dois modelos de sistema são quase iguais, exceto que em um deles, a interferência de múltiplos usuários é considerada nos retransmissores. O protocolo Amplify-and-Forward (AF) é aplicado em cada retransmissor, explorando a diversidade cooperativa. Para o sinal recebido no primeiro modelo de sistema, uma decomposição tensorial PARAFAC quadrilinear será adotada e, ao fazê-lo, o receptor semi-cego proposto pode estimar conjuntamente os símbolos transmitidos, ganhos de canais e assinaturas espaciais de todos os usuários, assumindo o conhecimento prévio dos códigos de espalhamento dos usuários e alguns símbolos transmitidos. Para o segundo modelo de sistema, interferência multiusuário é considerada nos retransmissores dos usuários, então, um receptor baseado em uma decomposição PARAFAC trilinear é proposto. O segundo receptor realiza as estimações em duas fases, sendo a primeira fase um estágio supervisionado em que todos os usuários enviam sequências de treinamento não ortogonais. Durante a segunda fase, os símbolos de dados dos usuários são então estimados. Ambos os receptores usam o algoritmo ALS (Alternating Least Squares) para ajustar os modelos tensoriais, assumindo nenhuma informação de estado do canal (CSI - Channel State Information) na estação base nem nos retransmissores. Com simulações computacionais, também forneceremos avaliação de desempenho dos receptores propostos para vários casos e variações do sistema.

In the last two decades, against the backdrop of multiple anti-foreign protests in China, among which the anti-Japanese protests were prominent, debates emerged over the rise and meaning of Chinese nationalism. This thesis analyses the nature and formation of China’s nationalism towards Japan, with an emphasis on bottom-up manifestations of nationalism. The analysis compares the anti-Japanese demonstrations and boycotts of 2010 and 2012 triggered by disputes over the contested Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in the East China Sea. The current literature on Chinese nationalism is largely dominated by top-down perspectives which neglect the prospect of a nationalism separate from the state. This thesis argues that it is not only that bottom-up and top-down forces coexist, but that they interact in a dynamic and bidirectional process. This interaction, explained through Giddens’ structuration theory and Wendt’s constructivist theory, is significant in understanding how nationalism is shaped. In the detailed analysis of nationalism theories of instrumentalism, along with those of primordialism and ethnosymbolism are used. It is through these lenses that each step of the “nationalism” is studied - from history and triggers of nationalism to popular manifestations, current discussions of nationalism and its effect on China’s domestic and foreign policy. By placing China into the historical context of the last century, it is shown that anti-Japanese feelings in China are the result of embedded memories of war and a need of unifying the nation against Imperial Japan, rather than purely the result of a political machination. History, combined with threat perception and China’s development, led to large anti-Japanese manifestations over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in 2010 and 2012. The authorities employed a number of strategies in order to tone down these events domestically. Through interviews conducted with Chinese academics, researchers, protesters and activists, and discourse analysis applied to state media, it was identified that history, territorial sovereignty, mistrust and reactiveness to Japan’s actions frame the meaning of anti-Japanese nationalism in China. These shared themes brought together a wide spectrum of state and non-state actors, who put aside their dichotomous views over loyalty to the Party-state and loyalty to the nation, and showed their support for the Chinese government. The problematic effects of this type of “unified anti-Japanese nationalism” are that domestically it sets restrictive “standards” for what it means to be a “good nationalist” in China; internationally, it raises serious concerns over China’s foreign policy should a fatal Sino-Japanese accident in the East China Sea occur. The substance of Chinese nationalism may be indicative of the type of international power that China aspires to be and informs the domestic challenges that may influence its external behaviour. By understanding the substance of nationalism, China’s perceptions of itself and “the other”, as well as its intentions home and abroad are captured. Policymakers within China and abroad should not ignore the challenges nationalism poses at the domestic level; they should look into the intricate disputes and negotiations among state and non-state actors, driven not only by economic and political calculations, but by a shared past and emotions that contribute to the internal dynamic of Chinese nationalism.

This thesis aims to provide a view point from which we can understand the long-term historical transformations of Korean politics since the late fourteenth century. I will attempt to illustrate the overall configuration of Korean politics with sociological reference to three questions: what kinds of political events have occurred? Which political issues have led to the participation of major political actors? How have these actors shown their political orientation in practice and how have events and actors determined politics, or, if there is no determination, how have they influenced the overall shape of politics? The concept of modernity in this thesis is mainly used to indicate the embodiment of political actors’ alternative visions without necessarily accepting the widely acknowledged assumption that modernity is the epochal quality of the contemporary period which exclusively enjoy. Some sociologists, especially in comparative-historical sociology, since the late 1990s have shown their intellectual interest in conceptualizing ‘multiple modernities'. They recognize the importance of theorizing the existence of plural forms of societal development for the contemporary situation, while some classical ideas on modernity based on the European or American experience have been critically evaluated in regional studies. If the Korean experience is regarded as an example of multiple modernities, it is not because the political boundary itself - which has been called Korea, as well as Chosun, Koryo, Balhac/Shilla, etc. -, has its own distinctive political and cultural color. Rather it is because the actors in Korean history generally, have shown themselves to be a good example for evaluating modernity. Regardless of quite different historical trajectories, the compatibility of the Korean experience with others under the title of multiple modernities, can be adduced both from the way in which human practices have emerged in their collective form, with their own political orientations, and in the relationship to other actors within a boundary.

The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of bilingualism in short-term memory (STM) compared to monolingualism with individuals who have Down syndrome. Five tasks were used for STM skills comparison between monolingual and bilingual participants. Sixteen participants between the ages of 13 to 37 were included in this study. Participants were divided based on their language groups. The experimental tasks consisted of non-verbal activities to examine visual (RVDLT) and spatial (Corsi) STM; as well as three verbal STM tasks (RAVLT, WMS, and Digits). The results showed that bilinguals acquired higher overall correct responses, with a significant difference found in visual STM performance and a trend towards significance in verbal logical STM. Thus, the findings of this study support the bilingual advantage theory. This study will enhance understanding in memory capacity of bilingual individuals with Down syndrome for potential implications to put into practice in clinical intervention strategies.

During World War II, agents of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) infiltrated into Japanese-occupied Malaya. They worked with Malayan guerrilla groups, including the communist-sponsored Malayan Peoples Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA). The MPAJA is regarded as the precursor of the communist insurgent army of the Malayan Emergency, and has been examined from that perspective, but its relationship with SOE and with other Malayan guerrilla groups remains poorly understood. Using SOE and related sources as a route into the Malayan interior during a pivotal period, this thesis traces the development of SOE’s Malayan operations, before analysing the interactions between SOE and the various guerrilla groups, and their relationships with each other. It explores the extent of Malay disillusionment with Japanese rule, and demonstrates how guerrilla service acted as a nursery for some later Malay leaders of the independent nation. Furthermore, it contributes to our knowledge of wartime Malaya by revealing the existence of a proto-state in northern Malaya ruled by guerrillas allied to the Chinese Nationalist Party. The destruction of this proto-state by the MPAJA, coupled with the communists’ acquisition of jungle-fighting weapons from SOE and their actions during the lawless period following the Japanese surrender, provides clear insights into the long-term ambitions of the Malayan Communist Party. However, the reports written about the MPAJA by SOE operatives just after the war failed to draw out the likely future threat posed by the communists to the returning colonial administration, foreshadowing the intelligence failure in the lead-up to the Malayan Emergency. In both cases, the British possessed a wealth of local information, but failed to catalyse it into active intelligence. This thesis leads us to re-assess the impact of SOE on Malayan politics, to reconsider the nature of Malayan communism’s challenge to colonial rule, and to rethink British post-war intelligence in Malaya.