No abstract available. / Thesis (M.T.R.P.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1996.

There is a growing body of knowledge in the field of sociology of sports and education which speaks to the positive relationship between youth engagement in organised sports and school performance. These sources of knowledge are largely confined to the developed countries in Europe and North America addressing the impact of organised sports on Positive Youth Development (PYD). In a developing context such as South Africa, which is undergoing rapid transformation from the previous legacy of apartheid, youth are defined as being at risk especially in light of the vast levels of social and economic inequalities which threatens its newly found democracy. It is in this context, the study located in a historically disadvantaged high school in the township of Chesterville in the Metropolitan Area of Durban, examines the role of school sports engagement as an element of PYD in enhancing school performance. The study seeks to assess the applicability of PYD principles in a developing and historically disadvantaged context within a school setting with the purpose of making contribution towards intervention programmes for the vast majority of South African youth who are considered to be at risk. Using a sample of 100 male and female learners in Grades 11 and 12 with an equal distribution of sports engaged and non-engaged, the study tests the principles of two PYD elements in respect of school Competence and Contribution to community. The study is of an exploratory nature on the applicability of PYD programmes in a context such as South Africa and does not purport to be conclusive, but instead the merit of a study of this nature is to set the foundation for future research studies in the fields of sociology of sports and education in order to intervene on the different social, political and economic volatility that South African youth are challenged within a democratic era. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

The field of political violence is introduced with an overview of anti-State political violence in South Africa between 1 January 1977 and 21 July 1985. Incidents of political violence in that period were classified into one of three categories, each of which reflects different sources of political violence. Subsequently, the research analysed what is referred to 'spontaneous' collective violence in two of Durban's townships Lamont and KwaMashu. The theoretical framework for the analysis of this type of behaviour is provided by T.R. Gurr using the formula: MPV = RD + (RD x JUST x BALANCE) where MPV is the magnitude of political violence; RD is discontent; JUST is the justifications for engaging in violence; and BALANCE is the ratio of support for, and coercive capacity of, dissidents vis-a-vis the State. The weight of each variable (RD, JUST and BALANCE) was assessed in Lamont and KwaMashu through interviews with 25 group leaders from both townships and by various inferential techniques. While discontent was found to be universal in both townships, the justifications for engaging in violence as a strategy to alleviate that discontent and alter existing power relations were found to be a function of ideology. For the purposes of this research two ideological classifications were employed: 'reactionaries' (those organisations operating within government created institutions, including bantustans, e.g. Inkatha); and 'progressives' (those organisations operating outside government created institutions and which are popularly labelled the Left e.g. the United Democratic Front). In Durban there is a specific spatial distribution of ideology which has resulted in support for, and the coercive capacity of, reactionaries' being greatest in bantustan townships ' (e.g. KwaMashu), while among 'progressives' support and coercive capacity are highest in townships in 'white' South Africa (e.g. Lamont). The distribution of ideology has its origins in historical forces which are discussed in detail. The question to be answered thus remains at what point does political violence reach a crescendo? This question was answered by identifying the issues precipitating political violence in Lamont and KwaMashu and then analysing specific incidents. Frequently, the most intense collective violence erupted when resistance to State hegemony was interpreted by the State, or its proxies, as challenging the existing status quo. In Lamont the State has directly intervened to crush resistance through the use of its security forces while in KwaMashu Inkatha vigilantes have acted as proxies for the State. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1987.

No abstract available. / M.A. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 2014.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.T.R.P.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.