"This paper relies on the belief that amelioratoin of the ethnic porblem requires the recognition and entrenchment of ethnic claims as part of a constitutional settlement in Africa not only as a matter of practical expediency but also a human rights necessity. It is expected that institutionalising group rights in a way to allow political participation and self-administraton by the sub-state groups contains ethnic conflict and necessitates collaboration and national cohesion. It is, thus, submitted that self-determination as a human right is an overriding norm and institution in the contemporary African situation. It vindicates group rights and captures some of the fundamental tensions in the politico-legal set-ups of states in Africa. As such, the potential of the right to self-determination in the realization of such objectives is closely considered. The focus of this study is, therefore, to wrestle with the query of whether institutionalising the right to self-determinaton would address inter-ethnic tension in the context of Africa. Such questions as how the right to self-determinaton is related to ethnicity and group rights and what institutional and normative solutions are present in the right to self-determination are also examined. This is done by way of examining the elements and various institutional dimensions of the right to self-determination and the experience of Ethiopia and South Africa. ... The study is divided into four chapters. Chapter one outlines the context of the study, objectives and significance of the study as well as the hypothesis and literature review. It is sought in the second chapter to explore the ethnicity problem and the right to self-determination in Africa. Chapter three deals with analysing the elements of the right to self-determination, its potentials to address the ethnicity dilemma of African and the modalities of institutionalising it. Chapter four examines the recognition of the right to self-determination under the Federal Constitution of Ethiopia and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, the manner in which it is entrenched and institutionalised in the set-ups of the two states and the lessons, good or ill, to be drawn from their experience. Finally, the study seeks to draw some conclusions that involve recommended suggestions." -- Chapter 1. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)University of Pretoria, 2003. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The topic of this diploma thesis is education of two ethnic minorities living in different majority societies and in different parts of the world - Czech Roma population and Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The author presents relevant sociological critical theories of education and outlines the history of the examined minorities and the development of the approach of the majority society towards these minorities. She focuses on the consequences of discrimination of minorities in the area of education. She identifies similarities between the life conditions of the examined minorities, as well as certain differences arising from different social conditions. One of the common features of both minorities is a low standard of education, which has a negative impact on all spheres of their life (for example, employment, housing conditions, health, and life expectancy). Two case studies presented by the author suggest that the low level of education of minority population is a consequence of wrong education policies in the countries under examination. The main cause of the failure of Roma children in Czech schools and of the children of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australian schools is not their incapability but rather the low expectations of their teachers, who put on...

This essay seeks to understand the possible reasons behind the high rates of non-white ethnic minorities, such as the Somali-Swedish community among hospitalized Covid-19 patients in Sweden. It interrogates the possibility of a White middle-class bias in the Swedish government and the National Pandemic Group’s management of the covid-19 crisis. I analyze data from daily press conferences held by the National Pandemic Group and public statements from government and national pandemic group representatives regarding updates in the management of the covid-19 crisis. In analyzing these statements, focus has been on assessing the risk analysis and citizen recommendations presented to the public by the national pandemic group. Results show that the specific vulnerabilities of ethnic minorities and the socio-economic inequalities between majority White Swedes and ethnic minorities has not been taken under much consideration by the Swedish government or the national pandemic group, which can be interpreted as resulting from a white middle class bias. The conclusions of this essay show that this may have contributed to the high rates of Swedish-Somalis and other ethnic groups such as the Iraqi-Swedes and Turkish-Swedes among hospitalized Covid-19 patients. This might have been prevented, had the Swedish government acknowledged and acted upon the socio-economic inequalities between different social groups.

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This thesis is a study of the spatial reconstruction of public space in the locality of Brno Bronx. The work includes several large urban and social problems. This is the solution of problems socially excluded areas, the issue of coexistence with ethnic minorities and on brownfields and solving the appropriate forms of gentrification problem area. The proposal addresses the biggest block permeability, which is lined streets of Bratislavská, Hvězdová, and Francouzská. It proposes a new structure of public spaces - squares, which are strung like beads on the newly proposed network of streets. Also engaged in the creation of public space in the vicinity of the former jail. The proposal by removing extensions provide a space for two new squares. Creative square and Square of Roma culture. With the completion of new buildings should be supported by a square and revealed the original appearance of the former jail.

The purpose of this exploratory study was to measure the cultural competence of nurse educators in accredited baccalaureate (BSN) nursing programs in Tennessee (TN) and investigate the relationship, if any, between nurse educators' cultural competence and the percentage of minority nursing students recruited into and graduated from these schools in the previous 5 years. With the rapid rise of the minority population in the United States, more minority healthcare providers, including nurses, are needed to provide culturally congruent care in underserved communities. Literature has implied that nurse educators' lack of cultural competence and sensitivity regarding minority nursing students' educational needs could be a contributing factor to minority nurses' underrepresentation. Nurse educators in 9 accredited colleges of nursing in TN completed the "Cultural Diversity Questionnaire for Nurse Educators." Some of the participating schools and the American Association of Colleges of Nursing Research Data Center provided the percentage of students recruited and graduated in each school by ethnicity. The findings revealed that the majority of respondents were at least moderately culturally competent. There was no correlation between Tennessee schools' mean cultural competence scores and their percentages of minority students recruited into BSN programs in the past 5 years. But there was a significant statistical correlation between Tennessee schools' mean cultural competence scores and their percentages of minority students graduated from BSN programs in the past 5 years (p = .015). There was a statistically significant difference between the mean cultural competence score of respondents who had lived in a culture different from the United States and those who had not (p = .01). There was also a statistically significant difference between the mean cultural competence score of respondents who had attended multicultural education seminars in the past 5 years and those who had not (p = .0005). The researcher recommended that nursing faculty engage in activities that would increase their cultural competence, enabling them assist students from diverse cultural backgrounds stay in school and graduate.

The small Chinese community in South Africa has played an important part in the economic and political life of South Africa. From 1660 to 1912, it reflected the experiences of migrant Chinese who left the mainland during and after centuries of isolation. This thesis therefore examines the Chinese in South Africa in the context of a growing historiography of the overseas Chinese, noting particularly the comparisons with other colonial societies, such as the United States of America and Australia. It is also concerned with tracing the history of the free Chinese at the Cape in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, before engaging in a more detailed discussion of the period of indentured Chinese labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines in the early twentieth century. Although the political economy of indenture has been copiously dealt with in recent historical research, the focus here is more on the social and cultural dimensions of Chinese labour, including aspects such as privacy, sexuality and living conditions in the compound system. This cultural history is interpreted against the background of political and legislative developments in South Africa leading to the formation of the Union in 1910. One of the main arguments of the thesis is that the indentured labour scheme had profound repercussions for the racial status of the free Chinese in the late colonial period. The different experiences of the Chinese in the Cape and the Transvaal are given special attention to illustrate regional patterns of social stratification, and explain the vicissitudes of race relations in South Africa up to 1912. In the Cape it led to subjection under the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1904, while in the Transvaal it resulted in political involvement in the initial phases of Mahatma Gandhi's "satyagraha". Cultural exclusivity and minority status are at the heart of this· analysis and are indices of how the Chinese were brought under the yoke of segregation, which anticipated the oppression of apartheid after 1948. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land reform programme. Restitution laws, contained in the Restitution of Land Rights Act and the Communal Property Associations (‘CPA’) Act, seek not only to return lands to peoples dispossessed after 1913, but also to inculcate the ideals of South Africa’s dominant agro-pastoral-based society into defined, cohesive land-recipient ‘communities’. These ideals include centralised, hierarchical, representative, democratic leadership and decision-making structures that the West takes for granted. However, these concepts of control are not typically found among foraging or post-foraging peoples, who tend to base their societies on decentralised, small-group, egalitarian social structures that strongly oppose hierarchies, representation, or accumulation. Such social organisation remains intact even after these groups become settled or adopt non-hunting-and-gathering livelihoods, and today’s ‡Khomani self-identify as San, ‘Bushmen’, hunters, and indigenous people, despite their settlement and their adoption of varied livelihood strategies, including stock-farming. Among such groups, externally imposed governance structures tend to be viewed as illegitimate, and instead of the cohesion and order these centrally legislated structures seek to create, they instead engender dissent, conflict, and non-compliance. The ‡Khomani, as both a formerly scattered group of apartheid-era labourers and a cultural group of San people, have struggled with little success to plan and implement ‘development’, infrastructure, and livelihood projects on their lands and have ‘failed’ to operate the Restitution and CPA Acts’ required ‘community’ land-ownership and decision-making structures successfully. Thus, restitution has failed to bring the socio-economic improvements that the new ‡Khomani lands seemed to promise. Since 2008, however, the government has temporarily taken governance and approval authority from the ‡Khomani, which has led to the creation of smaller, behind-the-scenes governing bodies, as the ‡Khomani have begun taking the reins of power in their own ways. Such bodies, including the ‡Khomani Farmers’ Association and the Bushman Raad, have begun achieving some successes on the ‡Khomani farms in part, it is argued, because they allow the ‡Khomani to reproduce the focused, non-hierarchical, small-group structures that are more suitable to them as a non-cohesive group and more culturally appropriate to them as San people. The South African government, with appropriate protections for abuse of power, should provide the space within land reform laws to allow land-recipient groups to make decisions, govern themselves, and manage their lands according to their own community realities and their own conceptions of leadership and social organisation.

What causes post-conflict violence to occur in some places emerging from extended violent conflict and not in others? Why does episodic post-conflict violence take different forms? And what causes episodic violence to escalate into larger renewed extended violence? This thesis contributes towards answers to these questions by examining the experience of Indonesia. Six provinces saw civil war or large-scale inter-communal unrest around the turn of the century. In each, war ended. Yet levels and forms of post-conflict violence vary significantly between areas. The Indonesian cases are used to build a theory of the sources of spatial and temporal variance in post-conflict violence. Multiple methods are employed. A new dataset, containing over 158,000 coded incidents, maps patterns of extended and post-conflict violence. Six districts in three provinces are then studied in depth. Comparative analysis of districts and provinces—drawing on over 300 field interviews—identifies the determinants of variations in post-conflict violence levels and forms. Adopting a political economy approach, the thesis develops a novel actor-based theory of post-conflict violence. Violence is not the result of failed elite bargains, dysfunctional inter-group relations, enduring grievances, or weak states. Instead, it flows from the incentives that three sets of actors—local elites, local violence specialists, and national elites—have to use violence for accumulation. Violence is used when it is beneficial, non-costly, and when other opportunities for getting ahead do not exist. How post-conflict resources are deployed, the degree to which those who use violence face sanctions, and the availability of peaceful means to achieve goals shape incentives and hence patterns of violence. Where only violence specialists support violence, post-conflict violence will take small-scale forms. Where local elites also support violence, escalation to frequent large episodic violence occurs. Extended violence only occurs where national elites also have reason to use violence for purposes of accumulation.

Tautinių mažumų klausimas Lietuvoje dažniausiai minimas politiniame kontekste kaip tam tikra konflikto išraiška, kuomet nesutarimai nagrinėjami tik paviršutiniškai ta prasme, jog jų priežastingumas maskuojamas stereotipais grįstu mąstymu ir tokio mąstymo formų palaikymu. Lietuvos žiniasklaidoje daugiausiai galima atrasti publikacijų apie tas tautines mažumas, kurios yra didžiausios, o mažosioms skiriama labai mažai dėmesio. Tačiau tai nereiškia, jog smulkiosios tautinių mažumų bendrijos nesusiduria su problemomis, kylančiomis tiek dėl bendros šalies politikos nukreiptos jų atžvilgiu, tiek ir dėl vietos valdžios sprendimų ar netgi dėl tarpusavio bendravimo ypatumų. Todėl svarbu ngrinėti šias bendrijas tiek mikro lygmenyje tiek ir bendrame šalies kontekste. Juolab, jog tyrimų šioje srityje yra atlikta labai mažai. Šiam tyrimui įtakos turėjo tai, jog buvo siekiama atskleisti konkrečių tautiniu pagrindu susiformavusių bendrijų atstovų patirtis, tačiau tai vienas iš pirmųjų tokių tarpdisciplininių bandymų todėl jame remiamasi tiek sociologų, tiek istorikų, tiek filosofų įžvelgomis. Vienas tokių – Pierre Bourdieu, kurio pasiūlyta kapitalų teorija šiame darbe taikoma plačiausiai. Ši teorija siejama su vokiečių bendrijų veikla ir kasddieninėmis praktikomis, kurių pagalba palaikoma šios tautinės mažumos tapatybė Lietuvoje. Tyrimo metu atskleista, jog šią temą galima pavadinti problemiška net keletu aspektų. Pirmiausiai svarbu atsižvelgti ir įvertinti tai, jog ši tema susijusi su tam... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In Lithuania the question of ethnic minorities is frequently mentioned as an expression of some sort of conflict in political context, when the controversies are analysed only passingly. In the sense that this question's causality is disguised with stereotypes based reasoning and the support of this kind of thinking. In the media most publications can be found on the largest ethnic minorities, while smaller ones receives little attention. However this does not mean that smaller ethnic minorities do not face the problems arising as a result of a general national policy. It is directed towards them, as well as on local government decisions. Or even on the characteristics of their intercommunication. Research is limited in this area therefore it is important to study those communities in the micro level as well as in the national context. This study aims to reveal the experience of community. These communities had formed on specific ethnicity representatives. Yet this is one of the first such inter-discipline attempts to analyse this question so it is based on insights of sociology, history and philosophy. One of those insights is the capital theory by Pierre Bourdieu and this study has applied this theory the most. The theory is associated with activities and everyday practise of German community through which this ethnic minority's identity is being maintained. This study reveals that the topic is problematic according to several aspects. First of all, it is important to... [to full text]