This study analyses the methods and policies of the colonial government which shaped Stutterheim's African communities between c.1870 and 1910. In 1870 the Stutterheim magisterial district had not yet been officially established. However, creation of the British Kaffrarian administration (1847-1865) had already ensured the entrenchment of colonial rule over the humiliated Xhosa chiefdoms west of the Kei. This work studies transformations in late colonial Ngqika society and the development of Stutterheim as a magisterial district. It analyses the entrenchment of colonial bureaucracy and changes in indigenous social, economic and political structures. In the period c.1860-1877, direct administration of the Ngqika was first attempted. While recovering from the 1856-57 cattle killing, the Ngqika were brought under colonial administration by the annexation of British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony in 1865. The thesis also examines the process and implications of the breakup and resettlement of the Ngqika location after the 1877-1878 war and the mechanisms and complications in forming a new postwar settlement. The focus then narrows to Stutterheim magisterial district (finalised in 1880), where, after the removal of the main Ngqika population to the Transkei formal structures of quitrent settlement were established around mission stations. A new form of social behaviour underpinned by principles of individualism evolved under missionary influence. Urged on by legislation that sought to intensify implementation of individual tenure, this social behaviour predominated under the new administration. Attention is also given to the allocation of farm land in the district. On part of what had once been communally owned land, an immigrant farming community originally intended strictly for whites emerged. Numerous Africans later managed to hold property in this area. An urban area with a mixed African and white population resulted where allotments initially allocated to the German Legion were later auctioned. On crown lands, leasing and purchasing was initiated. By the early twentieth century, settlement patterns were in chaos: on the mission settlements, quitrenters disobeyed settlement regulations, farms were overpopulated by tenants and interracial urban settlements faced imminent segregationist policies. By 1910 local administration was in difficulties and the Africans were becoming politically mobilised against local and colonial policies.

From Preface: In 1778 Joachim van Plettenberg declared the Fish River as boundary between the Trekboer and the Xhosa. The area between the lower reaches of the Fish and Kei Rivers was to become the main centre of conflict in nine frontier wars. It was here, too, that successive governors carried out experiments to stabilize land and people in the area. But after 1820, while official attention was focused on this trouble spot, a new and related zone of conflict was gradually and almost unnoticed opening up. This was in the north-east where the first encounters between Trekboer and Thembu were beginning to take place. By 1825 the spearhead of the Thembu, harassed by the amaNgwane raids, had migrated across the Kei River to settle south of the Stormberg in what is now the district of Queenstown. By this time the first Trekboers in their perennial search for water and pasturage had crossed the Stormberg Spruit to settle on the waste land north of the Stormberg. The history of the Stormberg area is predominantly an account of the interaction between these two peoples.

In recent years, increasing interest has been taken in the career of Andries Stockenstrom. Detailed study of his policy as Landdrost of Graaff-Reinet , as Commissioner-General of the Eastern Districts, and as Lieutenant-Governor, has brought about a realization of the soundness and value of much of his work. This appreciation of the sterling qualities of Stockenstrom's character- despite his undoubtedly difficult temperament - has led to the tacit assumption that the accusations which were levelled against him, and the odium in which he was held in Albany, after his evidence before the Aborigines Committee 1835 -1836, were largely the result of unfortunate newspaper propaganda. That evidence, it is implied - coming as it did at a time when public opinion was peculiarly sensitive to criticism - was in fact, not as black as it had been painted. Yet the events of the period between the Commissioner-Generalship and the Lieutenant- Governorship have not only coloured the judgment upon Stockenstrom of almost every writer on South African history, but so influenced contemporary public opinion as to materially impair the efficiency of his Lieutenant-Governorship. In writing this thesis, it has heen my purpose to make a detailed study of such material as is available for the period 1833-1836, and to endeavour, by an analysis of the evidence more particularly in the light of the years before 1833, to set this significant period in Stockenstrom' s career in its right perspective.

This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.

From the abstract: Fairy tales aside this study is an analysis of Port Elizabeth harbour development during its first half century from 1820-70. Despite the fact that Port Elizabeth quickly came to dominate Cape trade very little was actually done to improve its port facilities. Superficially the impression one gains from the available material is that everything was done by government not to develop a harbour at Algoa Bay. But the real question is: was harbour development really necessary at Port Elizabeth during the period under consideration? The answer must be no. The lack of facilities certainly did not hinder the massive expansion of wool exports that took place before 1870.

From Preface: In 1960 Pamela Ffolliott and E.L.H. Croft wrote a biograpby of John Paterson entitled One Titan at a Time. This concentrated mainly on his business activities and his civic role to the virtual exclusion of his political opinions and career even though contemporaries often regarded him as second only to John X. Merriman. The result of diligent enquiry for further biographical detail both in South Africa and in the United Kingdom has been disappointing. A close examination of such evidence as there is, suggests that his political abilities have been over-rated rather than under-rated. It is now nearly forty years since the study of separatism was first seriously undertaken. The period 1854-72 was studied by N.H. Taylor (M.A. Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1938) and D.B. Sole undertook a broader survey (M.A. Thesis, University of South Africa (R.U.C.), 1939). Neither study used the Godlonton papers. The Godlonton-White correspondence is at Rhodes House, Oxford and this mainly concerns business matters and news of prominent local people. The collection of Godlonton papers housed in the Historical Papers section of the Library of the University of the Witwatersrand proved more interesting. The use of these papers made it possible to make a new approach to the critical period of representative government and to explore in more detail lines suggested in part by J .L. McCracken in the more general study, The Cape Parliament 1854-1910 published in 1967. Yet because in many cases the leaders of the movement after 1854 carried into the new era ideas and attitudes formed in earlier years, it was necessary to consider also the origins of the separatist impulse. Separatism had many roots: as a term it had many meanings. Clearly the meaning attached to the word varied from time to time, from place to place and even from person to person. The goal varied too. Sometimes the Eastern Province wanted to move the centre of government from Cape Town; sometimes the cry was for a completely separate colony to be established in the East; sometimes the theme was federal devolution of powers, to a resident government. Indeed among the many reasons for the failure of the separatist movement was the inability of the Easterners to agree among themselves about what they were seeking. This exposed and emphasised their political ineptitude.

South Africa is a multi-racial society in more than one sense. There are the broad divisions of Colour, but in addition there are further divisions within each group. The European section is mostly of Dutch and British origin, but there are important other strains, notably the French and the German. The history of the Dutch and British sections has been written, and that of the French too, but the story of the German element is still incomplete. Preface.

This thesis examines three contestations involving human remains which have arisen in the Eastern Cape over the past fifteen years. It shows that the value or meaning attached to human remains is constructed through the socio-historical dynamics out of which these contestations arise. The meaning and value of human remains is neither inherent nor neutral. In Ndancama's case, the need for housing in Fingo Village led hundreds of poor residents to settle on the township's Old Cemetery in 1972. Basic material needs trumped concerns for those buried in the cemetery. When the post-apartheid municipality sought to provide sewerage and housing infrastructure for Ndancama in 2003, its development plans were constrained by new heritage legislation which protects historic cemeteries. Residents insisted that their infrastructural needs were of primary importance. In 1993, the unearthing of human remains at the Old Military Cemetery in King William's Town created a thirteen year long saga which was only resolved with the reburial of the remains in 2006. The presence of the remains proved problematic for a number of reasons. Local authorities failed to rebury the remains speedily. The burden to store them fell on the Kaffrarian Museum which came under fire because this was considered unethical in the postapartheid era. The identity of the remains became a bone of contention in 2006 when the new Amathole District Municipality concluded that the remains were those of victims who died in the 1856-57 Great Cattle Killing. The remains and their reburial became symbols of past injustice and present restoration of African heritage. The 1996 quest by 'Nicholas Gcaleka', a 'self-styled' chief and traditional healer, to search for King Hintsa's skull in the United Kingdom provoked unprecedented public engagement with the incomplete narrative on the fate of Hintsa's body. The power to represent history, and the methods through which historical truth is discovered were at the heart of the contestation. Elites such as the Xhosa Royal and the white scientific establishment were considered neither credible nor authoritative on this historical matter. Public support for Gcaleka revealed that many South Africans sought just recompense for colonial injustices.

This thesis examines the development of Grahamstown from its inception in 1812 to the mid-1840s, paying particular attention to the social and cultural life of the town. It traces the economic development of the town from a military outpost to a thriving commercial settlement, noting the essential factor of the town's proximity to the Cape frontier in this process. The economic interaction between diverse groups in the town mirrors the social and cultural interaction which occurred between British settlers, Khoekhoe and Africans. The result of these interactions was the creation of a new, distinctively South African urban society and culture, despite the desire of the white settlers to reproduce a “typical” English environment in their new home. The conflict between attempts to anglicise the urban environment and the realities of Grahamstown's situation on a colonial frontier was reflected in the architecture and layout of the town. Attempts to recreate an English social environment also failed. New classes arose in the town in response to the economic opportunities available on the frontier. Although some settlers prospered, many did not, and the presence of an impoverished white working class undermines settler historians' picture of settler success and affluence. The poorest people in the town, though, were the increasing numbers of Khoekhoe and Africans who migrated from the surrounding countryside, and who were unequally incorporated into the urban community as a colonial labouring class. In response to these unique circumstances, white settlers in Grahamstown developed a powerful political and propaganda machine, which helped lay the foundations of a distinct settler identity in the eastern Cape.

Small towns can be seen as the fundamental building blocks of tbe urban system. Through time, some of these towns have lost the primary reason for their existence. Some towns that have been declining or stagnating include old mining and industrial towns, such as Indwe in the Eastern Cape or Welkom in the Free State. Some towns have also changed the main focus of tbeir economy, for example, from that of mining to that of tourism, as in the case of Utrecht in Kwa-Zulu Natal (Nel, 2002). In light of the above, this thesis seeks to critically evaluate what has happened in selected small towns in the Eastern Cape. The research investigated a number of towns in the Eastern Cape, looking at the history and influence of colonisation, population dynamics, education levels, employment opportunities, migration and the influence of capitalism on the economic and social structure of the town, as well as tbe evolution of its economy. The research sample consisted of interviews witb local historians, community leaders, development agencies and individuals who were benefiting from tbe various development initiatives/project in the towns. These interviews, in conjunction with the literature identified, were conducted in the selected small towns, assessing whether development was succeeding and, in conclusion, identifying witb reference to the study sites, what was learnt. The research process generated a number of lessons that need to be taken into consideration when attempting social and economic upliftment in small towns. These include: the need for leadership, support from the local population and the need for financial assistance to support and uplift the community. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in