Unlike many other international instruments, accession to the WTO does not simply require the commitment of the government to sign and ratify the multilateral agreements. A country needs to make considerable legislative and administrative changes to comply with the standards of the WTO and its members to finalize the negotiation for accession. For governments with impure free market economy policy the challenges amplify. The government of Ethiopia publicly pronounces its adherence to the ideology of the developmental state. On the other hand the nucleus of WTO principles is progressive trade liberalization. Therefore, this dissertation tries to provide some reflection on the paradox created as a result of the divergence in priority between WTO principles and developmental state in the context of Ethiopian desire to join the organization. The research is an interdisciplinary work. The issues that will be discussed are not purely legal in their nature. They have legal, political and economic dimensions. And the main focus of the paper is on trade in services and foreign investment negotiation aspect of the accession. Furthermore the objective of the dissertation is to give some insight for policy makers about the challenges and opportunities that „Developmental State‟ ideology will pose in the accession process of Ethiopia to the WTO. The research is divided into five chapters. Chapter one gives introductory remarks about the concept of the developmental state and accession to the WTO. The limitations of the WTO accession process and an overview of the features of developmental state in the world and particularly in Ethiopia are also briefly discussed in the chapter. The origin and concept of developmental state in the world, in Africa and Ethiopia is discussed in some detail under chapter two. The chapter also tries to show the impact of developmental state policies in the laws of the country that are going to be deliberated in the process of accession. Chapter three is about accession to the WTO. In this chapter the requirements, benefits, challenges and procedures of accession are dealt in depth. The writer debates and tries to show the fact that the system is slowly shifting from rule based negotiation to power and precedent based negotiation. By analyzing the laws of Ethiopia that are inspired by the principles of developmental state against the legal and precedent requirements to join the WTO, I tried to correlate the findings of chapter two and three in chapter four. Specific strategies and advises on how to move the negotiation forward on certain areas are also outlined in this chapter. Finally, conclusion and my summarized recommendations are placed under chapter five. / Economics / LL.M (with specialization in International Economic Law)

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Since its transition to democracy, South Africa has been expecting a significant increase in investment from Japan. Reciprocal state visits and economic missions have been pointing towards a possible rapid expansion of economic relations. Has there been a substantial increase in investment from Japan since South Africa’s transition to democracy? Actions taken by Japanese companies on the investment front show a different picture than the optimistic one painted by government officials and ministries. The reality is that South Africa is not yet an important investment destination for Japan. This is despite the presence of companies such as Toyota, Nissan, and Mitsubishi in South Africa since the apartheid era. The automotive sector, mainly as a result of the Motor Industry Development Programme (MIDP), and the Coega Industrial Development Zone (IDZ) are the most promising prospects for future investment from Japan. The challenge for South Africa is to increase Japanese investor confidence in its economy. The creation of a possible synergy between Japan’s Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) and the South African-led New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) must be explored. Other recommendations include building stronger ties with influential business groups such as the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren), and widening the scope of trade and investment beyond the large and established corporations to also include more small and medium enterprises. Although the outlook is bleak for a short-term substantial increase in Japanese investment, the continuing facilitation of stronger relations between Japan and South Africa may produce encouraging results over the long-term.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the wave of globalisation sweeps across the countries of the world, the economies of these countries are increasingly opening. The industrial and trade strategy approach is shifting to greater openness due to the pressures of international competitiveness. This means that domestic economic activity alone cannot sustain the national economy. One of the features of this openness is trade liberalisation. Trade between various countries is becoming more important as a way of earning foreign currency to address balance of payment problems and as well as to boost the domestic economy. This has great potential, in the long run, to generate employment opportunities. Immediately after South Africa ushered in a democratic dispensation in 1994 it had to contend with global pressure to liberalise its trade and put in place economic fundamentals that synchronize with the global economic order. The political economy of global trade structure is characterized by bargaining power inequalities amongst the developed countries (North) and the developing countries (South). Trade relations between the developed and developing countries has ~ element of power-play that advantage developed countries and the terms of trade are still skewed in favour of developed countries due to the power that developed countries wield in the global economic system. This study uses the structuralist development theoretical perspective (dependency theory) and the combination of qualitative and quantitative paradigms in understanding the trade relations between the developed countries. The study, through this theoretical paradigm, seeks to examine the degree of success or failure of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in particular with regard to tariff reduction commitments, and opportunities or constraints created thereof. A case study oftextile and clothing industry will be used, and this will highlight some of the negative implications of the Uruguay Round commitments. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Namate die globaliseringsgolf oor die lande van die wereld spoel, word die ekonomiee van die lande meer toeganklik vir ander state. Die industriele en handelsstrategie benadering het, as gevolg van intemasionale mededinging, 'n klemverskuiwing na meer openheid meegebring. Dit het tot gevolg dat huishoudelike ekonomiese aktiwiteit nie alleen 'n ekonomie kan onderhou nie. Een van die kenmerke van hierdie openheid is die liberalisering van handel. Handel tussen state word toenemend belangrik vir die verdien van buitelandse valuta om betalingsbalans probleme aan te spreek, asook om plaaslike ekonomiee te stimuleer. Oor die lang termyn hou dit groot potensiaal in om werksgeleenthede te skep. Onmiddelik na demokratisering in 1994 was Suid-Afrika geforseer om sy handel te liberaliseer en sy ekonomiese grondslag te sinchroniseer met die globale ekonomiese orde, Die struktuur van die politieke ekonomie van intemasionale handel word gekenmerk deur ongelykhede tussen die ontwikkelde Noorde en die ontwikkelende lande van die Suide. Handelsbetrekkinge tussen ontwikkelde- en ontwikkelende lande bevat 'n element van magspel waarin eersgenoemde bevoordeel word. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van die strukturalistiese ontwikkelingsperspektief en 'n kombinasie van kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe paradigmas, ten einde 'n beter begrip te verkry van handel tussen ontwikkelde lande. Deur middel van die teoretiese paradigma, probeer die studie om die werkbaarheid van die Uruguay Ronde, spesifiek · met betrekking tot tarief verlagings en die geleenthede of beperkings wat daardeur geskep word, aan te toon. 'n Gevallestudie van die tekstiel en klerebedryf sal gebruik word om die negatiewe implikasies van die Uruguay Ronde te belig.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.

近年中共在逐漸認知到台灣中南部民眾為擁護民進黨當局獨立訴求之強大力量後，相繼透過與台灣在野政黨合作、牽線，以及「放權讓利」式的大批「惠台措施」，冀求爭取農民好感與向心，進而潛移其政治意向。本論文的目的，乃是嘗試由最基層民意的觀點切入，探討中共此番作為的可操作性。作者以深度訪談 (in-depth interview)方式分析，農業貿易「惠台措施」的過程中，誰是真正的贏家? 再者，讓利措施是否真為解決台灣農產品產銷困境的及時雨？其真正意含為何？最後，農民對「中國」（中共）觀感能否因此變移？又是如何轉變?冀以跳脫一般的思維與視角，看待此一頗為特殊之兩岸經貿議題。 / Relations across the Taiwan Strait are complicated by “a deep political divide, but close socioeconomic integration.” China recently is aware of Taiwan farmers integrate huge power in the DPP’s independence advocacy, thus tries to sway their political tendency by utility of economic leverage in the form of tariff-free in fifteen species of Taiwan-grown fruit. Not knowing the effectiveness, this thesis aims at searching the truth by way of in-depth interviews with people of agricultural professional; and the narration reveals Taiwanese farmers are not the direct beneficiaries, sometimes even sufferers, in the whole process. Is fruit policy a carrot for Taiwanese farmers or a stick for the ruling government? The answer is hard to define. Other maneuvering tactics between the KMT and CCP and interests of fruit agents were hidden behind China’s so-called “good will” behavior.

This thesis aims to present and analyse economic relations between Czechoslovakia and Argentina in the years 1945-1989 (i.e. a period that almost precisely coincides with the duration of the Cold War. The work focuses on a historical analysis of primary sources and archival documents of the Czechoslovak Federal Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade. This material was selected in light of the rarity of secondary literature devoted to this area. To a certain extent, this is a pioneering work, especially given the fact that the archives of the Federal Ministry of Foreign Trade have not yet been declassified and still enjoy only limited usage (processing) in a single publication. One primary function of foreign trade with the Latin American countries (with the obvious exception of Cuba) was to foster good relations between South America and Czechoslovakia during the Cold War. The study of this use of trade as a foreign policy instrument can provide useful lessons about pragmatic considerations to be borne in mind when designing foreign policy as a whole. The thesis presents new findings on the topic and attempts what may constitute the most comprehensive attempt to address economic relations between the aforementioned countries within a defined period.

This work is an analysis of a topic that until now has been practically no research, the relations of Czechoslovakia and Venezuela in the years 1945 - 1968, while this work focuses attention on diplomatic and economic relations, it also considers the influence of domestic politics in these countries, explaining the context of these international relations, specifically of the United States, Soviet union and Cuba. The thesis is primarily based on material from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Relations of the Czech Republic and also the National Archive of the Czech Republic. Diplomatic relations between these countries were established in 1929, after the Munich Agreement of 1938, the embassy of Czechoslovakia in Caracas was closed. After World War II. economic relations were re-established. This was really important because the commercial interest of Czechoslovakia helped to establish the diplomatic relations. Diplomatic relations were discontinued by Venezuela in 1952 during the dictatorship of general Marcus Pérez Jiménez. When the dictator was overthrown in 1958, diplomatic relations were gradually re-established, once more through economic relations and finally established in 1968. The development of diplomatic relations were affected by several factors. The first one was domestic...

D.Com. (Economics) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Unlike many other international instruments, accession to the WTO does not simply require the commitment of the government to sign and ratify the multilateral agreements. A country needs to make considerable legislative and administrative changes to comply with the standards of the WTO and its members to finalize the negotiation for accession. For governments with impure free market economy policy the challenges amplify. The government of Ethiopia publicly pronounces its adherence to the ideology of the developmental state. On the other hand the nucleus of WTO principles is progressive trade liberalization. Therefore, this dissertation tries to provide some reflection on the paradox created as a result of the divergence in priority between WTO principles and developmental state in the context of Ethiopian desire to join the organization. The research is an interdisciplinary work. The issues that will be discussed are not purely legal in their nature. They have legal, political and economic dimensions. And the main focus of the paper is on trade in services and foreign investment negotiation aspect of the accession. Furthermore the objective of the dissertation is to give some insight for policy makers about the challenges and opportunities that „Developmental State‟ ideology will pose in the accession process of Ethiopia to the WTO. The research is divided into five chapters. Chapter one gives introductory remarks about the concept of the developmental state and accession to the WTO. The limitations of the WTO accession process and an overview of the features of developmental state in the world and particularly in Ethiopia are also briefly discussed in the chapter. The origin and concept of developmental state in the world, in Africa and Ethiopia is discussed in some detail under chapter two. The chapter also tries to show the impact of developmental state policies in the laws of the country that are going to be deliberated in the process of accession. Chapter three is about accession to the WTO. In this chapter the requirements, benefits, challenges and procedures of accession are dealt in depth. The writer debates and tries to show the fact that the system is slowly shifting from rule based negotiation to power and precedent based negotiation. By analyzing the laws of Ethiopia that are inspired by the principles of developmental state against the legal and precedent requirements to join the WTO, I tried to correlate the findings of chapter two and three in chapter four. Specific strategies and advises on how to move the negotiation forward on certain areas are also outlined in this chapter. Finally, conclusion and my summarized recommendations are placed under chapter five. / Economics / LL. M. (with specialization in International Economic Law)

O estudo se propõe a investigar as particularidades e especificidades dos mecanismos de governança global dos influxos investimentos diretos externos (IDE). Se, por um lado, não existe atualmente (à exemplo do comércio internacional) uma grande organização multilateral que garanta a governança dos influxos na relação entre os países (e, especialmente, entre entes estatais e particulares); por outro, prevalece a bilateralidade como esfera máxima da supranacionalidade para a regulação dos IDEs. Como especificidade dos IDEs, é característica a instalação do capital produtivo estrangeiro em um território nacional e a consequente sujeição à soberania de um ente estatal. Assim, configura-se, então, um modelo de governança sui generis em que coexistem uma governança com governo (no plano nacional) e uma governança sem governo (no plano supranacional). A principal hipótese de pesquisa é que as instituições nacionais e instituições supranacionais conjugam-se em uma relação de complementariedade e interação para configurar a estrutura da governança global dos influxos de IDEs. Para os testes empíricos, são estimados modelos interativos através de métodos econométricos longitudinais. Ao fim, conclui-se, com base em evidências robustas, que esse parece ser o mecanismo que configura essa peculiar forma de governança. / This research aims to investigate particularities and specificities of the global governance of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. If, on the one hand, a large multilateral organization, does not currently exist for FDIs (such as the existence of the WTO for international trade); on the other hand, bilateralism prevails as the ultimate sphere of supranationality for the regulation of FDIs in the international arena. As a particularity of FDIs, foreign productive capital typically crosses over into a national territory and thus foreign investors must undergo the sovereign power of such state entity and abide by its decisions. Therefore, a sui generis model of global governance emerges in which there coexists a governance with government (at the national level) and a governance without government (at the supranational level). The main research hypothesis is that national and supranational institutions conjugate themselves in an intricate relationship of complementarity and interaction in order to configure such global governance structure of FDI inflows. For the empirical tests, interactive models are estimated through longitudinal econometric methods. Finally, based upon robust evidence, it is concluded that this seems to be the mechanism that engenders this peculiar form of governance.